南海地缘政治特征及中国南海地缘战略

本文结合当前南海形势和中国国情,对南海地缘政治特点、南海地缘战略价值和我国南海地缘战略等方面作分析研究。     

马来西亚南海安全政策初探

南海分布着马来西亚的领海和专属经济区海域,是马来西亚国家利益的重要组成部分。为实践在南海地区“维护海洋环境的稳定,不受限制地开发海洋资源和开展国际贸易”的战略构想,马来西亚通过建立和发展自主的国防力量,与区域内外国家开展有限的安全合作以增强在南海的防御能力,并通过各种途径巩固对南沙部分岛礁的占领,实现其在南海的主权安全和经济安全。马来西亚将南海视为其海洋利益拓展的前沿阵地,在南海问题趋于复杂化、国际化的背景下,马来西亚希望通过实施大国平衡战略,维持南海地区的力量平衡,创造对己有利的海上安全环境。     

Organized transnational crime in the Black Sea Region: a geopolitical dilemma?

States are unique and individual entities. However, geographic proximity, a common history and fate may cause existential threats to have common causes and solutions. To understand how, and why, states experience transnational organized crime as a national security threat differently, it is necessary to learn about the states and the culture of organized crime in the geographic region in which they are embedded. The objective here is to present the Post-Soviet Political Criminal Nexus as a part of the identity of Newly Independent States in the Black Sea Region (Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine) which poses an international security threat and impedes democratic development.

环渤海区域生态环境及其政策法制协调机制建设

环渤海地区经济的发展带来了一系列生态环境问题,要从根本上解决这些生态环境问题,必须加强政策与法制协调机制建设,建立协调区域关系,完善环渤海区域生态补偿机制。     

“转变官风”的分析与建议

党风官风,关乎国家的前途和民族的兴衰,是一等一的大事.需从经济学的角度,对当前群众反应强烈的"文山会海"、"官书官学"、"公款消费"等问题加以探讨,以此引起社会各界的关注与讨论.     

论国际法上共同开发的概念及特征

共同开发是国际法承认的概念 ,但学术界却对此有不同的定义。作者认为应从法律和功能性两种角度对共同开发进行狭义定义 ,即它是指主权国家基于协议 ,就跨越彼此间边界线或位于争议区的共同矿藏 ,以某种合作形式进行勘探或开发的活动。共同开发具有任择性、国家主体性、客体共享性、功能性和临时性 5大法律特征     

Sino-Japanese Dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands: The Pending Controversy from the Chinese Perspective

The Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands have brought China and Japan into a bitter dispute for many decades. With regard to the real question of who owns sovereignty over the islands, the two claimants can not come to terms on several critical issues, such as whether the islands were terra nullius when Japan claimed sovereignty in 1895, whether Japan returned the islands to China after the Japanese defeat in WWII, and how their maritime boundary in the East China Sea should be demarcated according to international law. There is no ready solution to the longstanding stalemate, but the pending dispute could be shelved and managed from escalating into a military conflict. Dr. Zhongqi PAN is an Associate Professor at the School of International Relations and Public Affairs in Fudan University. He received his Ph.D. in international relations from Fudan University in 1999. He was a visiting scholar to Lund University (2006), the John K. Fairbank Center for East Asian Research at Harvard University (2004), the Henry L. Stimson Center (2001), and University of Tokyo (1999–2000).     

天津滨海新区的发展与环渤海地区的历史性机遇

天津滨海新区的开发开放列入《中共中央关于制定国民经济和社会发展第十一个五年规划的建议》,不但为滨海新区和天津市的发展带来了重大的历史性机遇,而且也将对整个环渤海地区的发展产生深远的影响。做大做强滨海新区,克服区域经济合作中的体制性障碍,延长新区产业链,将使天津滨海新区成为环渤海地区的一个重要的“增长极”,并有力地推动区域经济合作的发展。     

奥巴马政府南海政策特征论析

自2010年"高调介入"南海事务以来,奥巴马政府的南海政策呈现出以下几个特征:其一,从战略高度审视南海事务,将南海问题纳入到"重返亚洲"的战略架构之中;其二,以"维护航行自由"为名,寻求对制海权的掌控;其三,注重"均势"战略的运用,以求在南海形成相互制衡的格局;其四,以"巧实力"外交来实现其南海政策目标;其五,从走势看,日益由前期的模糊处理转向明朗化、强硬化。     

印度尼西亚与南海海上安全机制建设

南海及其邻接周边是海上安全机制云集之地。对印度尼西亚而言,后冷战时期南海争端的凸显时值其谋求并巩固区域大国地位的关键时期。此间印尼逐渐在东南亚安全区域主义中发挥核心作用,即通过安全机制建设通联区域安全秩序内外建构,调处南海争端并建构相应安全机制成为印尼塑造区域安全能力的重要途径。文章通过对印尼独立主持的“处理南中国海潜在冲突研讨会”的案例分析,指出该安全机制对南海争端具有针对性;其形成与运作综合了印尼的国家与区域安全观,是印尼实践安全战略与政策、协调区域主义与大国角色的工具,对南海海上安全机制以及印尼建构区域安全机制起到了协同补充作用。