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排序方式: 共有226条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
Gender Wage Work and Development in North East Brazil 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
BEN SELWYN 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2010,29(1):51-70
The last three decades have witnessed a major expansion of export agriculture in Latin America and the emergence of largely feminised labour forces. Research has illustrated how farms purposefully construct gendered divisions of labour and how women often experience worse pay and conditions than men. However, it is also important to consider how and why gender divisions of labour change. This article does so by examining export grape production in North East Brazil. It locates farms' practices of gendering work within a three-pronged context of rising buyer requirements, changes in labour supply and the influence of rural trade unions. 相似文献
112.
Sarah Oosterbaan 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2013,37(3):179-198
In 2008, to curb the violence in the city and in preparation for its bid to host the World Cup and the Olympic Games, Rio de Janeiro installed the “Unidades de Policia Pacificadora” (UPP) program. The aim of this program is to increase security by restoring state control in the favelas and by integrating the favelas and their residents into the formal city. Based on an extensive literature review and 30 (in-depth) interviews with key stakeholders, including favela residents, this article evaluates the extent to which the UPP program has reached its goals 5 years after it was introduced. It concludes that the UPP program has deeply impacted the lives of favela residents. Fewer incidents of lethal violence have been registered. At the same time, residents generally feel safer, and pacified favelas have been integrated to some extent in the formal city. But these achievements have – literally – come at a price. Baile funk has left the favelas and the increased costs for public services and housing have compelled some residents to move to marginalized parts of the city. 相似文献
113.
J.S. Arbache 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(2):109-130
The investigation of wage determination and wage differentials in developing countries has concentrated on the effects of human capital and different sources of segmentation associated with institutional arrangements and structural characteristics on earnings. In this article, we use micro-data for Brazil for the 1980s and 1990s to test several competitive theories, and models with segmentation explained by efficiency wages. We find that unmeasured abilities and efficiency wage models seem to play a role in wage determination, while compensating differentials and transitory difference theories were found to be irrelevant to wages formation. 相似文献
114.
Adriana Erthal Abdenur Maiara Folly Kayo Moura Sergio A.S. Jordão Pedro Maia 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(3):303-319
Over the past decade, power dynamics within the South Atlantic region have undergone significant changes. While the area has historically been dominated by North–South ties, both in terms of material flows and with respect to political influence, more recently there has been a surge in cooperation between developing countries within this space. As trade, investment and other forms of exchange and dialogue increase among actors from within the region (notably between South America and Africa) and with states located outside the region, the BRICS countries become more relevant to the South Atlantic. Individually, they have become relevant players in the South Atlantic's economic, political and security dimensions. Collectively, as inter-BRICS flows and political coordination intensify, new configurations of cooperation emerge within the South Atlantic. These initiatives suggest that rising powers are contributing towards making the South Atlantic – long dominated by North–South ties – a space where South–South cooperation and norms predominate. 相似文献
115.
Leslie Elliott Armijo 《Democratization》2013,20(5):991-1017
This article explores the implications of transitions to democracy for the economic policymaking process in developing countries. Democracy is supposed to give citizens oversight of their political leaders, while providing leaders with electoral incentives to respect citizens' preferences. Consequently, a shift from authoritarian to democratic rule ought to alter policymaking. Using the case of Brazilian trade policy, this article examines changed versus consistent patterns of post-transition interest aggregation, political participation, and economic goal-setting. Contrary to expectations of a notably enlarged role for the legislative houses, the study finds that Brazil's executive still dominates trade policymaking. However, significant and increasingly transparent interest aggregation occurs within the federal executive. Moreover, policy capture by sectoral special interests has decreased, while non-traditional civil society participants have gained some influence, and trade policy outcomes now are arguably more public-regarding. We find that Brazil's trade policy process has been incrementally democratized. 相似文献
116.
《Global Crime》2013,14(3-4):296-314
ABSTRACTFor Brazil’s ‘violence worker’ street-level bureaucrats, violence is woven into everyday practice. But violent influence flows in multiple directions; from the state to society, within the state and its agencies, from violent actors upon state bureaucrats. Real and potential violence defines the bureaucratic regime of truth, alongside the influence of a self-defined organised crime group. Using ethnographic evidence, I show some of the fissures that are wedged open through violence, and demonstrate the ways that violent uncertainty shapes a need for leverage and spheres of trust. This shows the dissonance between bureaucratic form and bureaucratic rationale, where other violence workers – ontological bureaucrats – have become an everyday part of bureaucratic rationale. What matters is not the relationship between the state and bureaucracy, but the relationship between sovereign power and bureaucracy. 相似文献
117.
《Global Crime》2013,14(3-4):228-249
ABSTRACTThis article assesses the nexus of militarised humanitarian work, governance and violence in the context of the ‘Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti’ (MINUSTAH). It draws on empirical fieldwork in Port-au-Prince and Rio de Janeiro. Brazil’s leading role in this UN mission reinforces the country’s ambitions as an emergent economic and political power on a global stage. Brazilian military and civilian actors base their claim of being uniquely qualified for urban ‘pacification’ efforts on a supposedly deeper cultural sensitivity which they assert to have developed in everyday civil–military encounters in the criminalised peripheries of Brazilian cities. By analysing the conflicting narratives in which the military, police and citizens negotiate these encounters, we argue that they allow for a revealing of the contested and often violent forms in which peace enforcement occurs. 相似文献
118.
Georgia O. Carvalho 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2000,19(4):461-478
Brazilian indigenous rights policy has been exclusionary. As a result indigenous people and their supporters have mobilised and politicised indigenous issues. Politicisation led to inclusion of indigenous rights in the 1988 Constitution. Nevertheless, evidence suggests that this process led to a retrenchment of interests opposed to indigenous rights. This analysis compares the asymmetric access to the policy‐formation process granted to political and economic interests and indigenous people. The argument is that democratisation has yet to open the policy‐making process to disenfranchised groups such as indigenous people. To illustrate the argument evidence of setbacks to indigenous land rights is examined. 相似文献
119.
TIMOTHY J. POWER 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2010,29(1):18-33
Research on Brazil's political institutions has gone through several phases since democratisation in 1985. In the early years of democracy, pessimism prevailed with regard to governability. This view gave way in the mid-1990s to a more optimistic view that stressed two innovations of the Constitution of 1988: enhanced presidential power and centralised legislative procedure. In recent years, a third phase of research has shifted attention to the crucial role of inter-party alliances. These analytical approaches have converged into an emerging research programme on 'coalitional presidentialism', which places executive-legislative relations at the centre stage of macropolitical analysis. This article reviews the three phases of the debate and reflects on future research agendas. 相似文献
120.
José de Souza Muniz Jr. Lucas Amaral de Oliveira 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2015,45(2):119-133
This article analyzes the participation of São Paulo as guest of honor at the Buenos Aires International Book Fair (2014). We will examine why the event's curators opted to take writers from the saraus, poetry readings on the city's outskirts, to the Fair, as well as the political arrangements that made the participation of those writers possible. We also discuss why participation in Buenos Aires was so different from that promoted by the federal government for other events, like the Frankfurt Book Fair (2013), where curators prioritized authors with greater prestige or international exposure. 相似文献