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151.
This article analyzes the domestic drivers of regulatory state formation in India and Brazil and its consequences for the global rules governing pharmaceutical patents. We first analyze Indian and Brazilian politics of regulatory state formation; then, in light of the extent to which the two countries have built regulatory capacity and capability in the field of patent regulation, we explore whether and how they have been able to influence the existing intellectual property regime in health. We look into India's Section 3(d) and Brazil's prior consent requirement. Whereas India's Section 3(d) regulation has gained international regulatory influence by diffusing to other developing countries, the same cannot be said for Brazil's prior consent regulation, which has been caught by policy-reversals. The transition toward regulatory states in emerging countries is a bulky road and does not progress in linear ways. However, once regulatory capacity and capability have been solidified, domestic policy innovations can become internationally influential. 相似文献
152.
Mendes-Junior CT Ferreira LB Canas Mdo C Pimentel AL Muniz YC Wiezel CE Heckmann MI Luizon MR Sousa SM Simões AL 《Journal of forensic sciences》2007,52(2):495-497
Population: Unrelated males from the S?o Paulo State, Brazil (n=617). 相似文献
153.
MAHRUKH DOCTOR 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2015,34(2):197-213
Since it was founded in 1952, the Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES; Brazilian National Bank for Economic and Social Development) has been at the centre of Brazil's industrialisation and development strategy. It played a key role in the evolution of policies from import substitution to market‐opening and privatisation, to the ‘new developmentalism’. The article evaluates and discusses whether BNDES fulfils the three typical functions expected of national development banks: financial sector development; business climate enhancement; and knowledge services. 相似文献
154.
MAXIMILIANO VILA SEOANE 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2017,36(4):424-439
During the last decade, Brazil has experimented with two different cultural policy discourses. The creative economy policy was inspired by international experiences and places emphasis on the commercialisation of culture, while, by contrast, the ‘Cultura Viva’ initiative is an autochthonous policy discourse that stimulates access to the cultural consumption and production of lower‐income sectors of the population. Both cultural policy discourses speak of the contributions of culture to ‘development’. However, this shibboleth delineates different projects. This article shows the different connections these two policy discourses make with ‘development’ and describes a number of disparities between them. 相似文献
155.
156.
Celina Souza 《Regional & Federal Studies》2015,25(4):347-363
The article explores the role of state-led and of centre-led pro-poor policies in the electoral shift of state elections in the state of Bahia, in Brazil's Northeast. It analyses a pro-poor policy sponsored by a traditional party which has ruled the state for several decades during both the military and the democratic regimes. The article investigates the causes of the party's defeat in 2006 and its replacement by a non-traditional party. The argument is that the defeat of the traditional party and the victory of a non-traditional one can be explained as the result of the state's main pro-poor policy that has always created dependency between voters and sub-national politicians. Centre-led pro-poor policies introduced in the late 1990s, in contrast, have universal or clear targets, eliminating the intermediation of sub-national political brokers. 相似文献
157.
158.
Brazil's South–South development cooperation: Principles and experiences of the domestic bureaucracy
Deborah BL Farias 《公共行政管理与发展》2019,39(4-5):174-181
How did Brazilian bureaucrats view President Lula's approach to the provision of development assistance in the context of South–South cooperation (SSC)? How did they see their own bureaucracy's role, as a provider of such assistance? This paper addresses these questions within the broad context of Brazil's development assistance program. The analysis begins with an elaboration of the internal legal and political structure supporting the country's provision of development assistance. Then, it addresses the research questions by drawing on original material obtained from 54 interviews, conducted in Brasilia, with diplomats and public servants from 25 federal ministries and institutions directly involved with implementing technical cooperation agreements. Evidence leads to three main observations: (a) the bureaucracies' limited autonomy vis‐à‐vis the Presidency's command of the Brazilian development assistance program; (b) great convergence in the worldviews and principled values upheld by public servants and diplomats in regard to Brazilian foreign policy; and (c) the existence of interbureaucracy complaints and struggles related to the operational side of agreement implementation. These findings are relevant for understanding the inner workings of Brazilian SSC, as well as in comparison to other national bureaucracies' involvement in the conceptualization and implementation of South–South knowledge transfers. 相似文献
159.
HLNE RIVIRE D'ARC 《Bulletin of Latin American research》1999,18(2):199-209
Abstract – In Brazil basismo has evolved from a libertarian discourse encouraged by the Church to a more institutionalised activity centred on local and international NGOs, with their increasingly managerial priorities. 相似文献
160.
Andrej Krickovic 《后苏联事务》2014,30(6):503-528
After stagnating throughout most of the 1990s and 2000s, Russia's efforts to reintegrate the post-Soviet space are finally gathering momentum. According to President Vladimir Putin, Russia's goal is to establish a Eurasian Economic Union “capable of becoming one of the poles in a future multi-polar world.” Most existing studies see Russia's imperial and post-Soviet legacies as the driving forces behind these efforts. Although they offer valuable insights, these studies fail to explain the timing of Russia's push for deeper regional integration. This article examines these developments from a geopolitical perspective and compares Eurasian regionalism with the regional integration projects of other great powers (more specifically, Brazil and Mercosur/Unasur and China and ASEAN+1). All three efforts are occurring at a time when the international system is in flux and the ability of the USA and other Western powers to deliver key global collective goods is being called into question. Regional integration must ultimately be seen as a strategy by Russia and other great powers to respond to these challenges and prepare themselves for an unpredictable future. 相似文献