The five shades of grey: party systems and authoritarian institutions in post-Soviet Central Asian states

ABSTRACT

This article overviews and seeks to explain the processes of party system formation in the post-Soviet Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) by focusing on a crucial party-system property, fragmentation. The analysis reveals that to a much greater extent than in democracies, where party systems are largely shaped by societal factors, the level of party system fragmentation in autocracies is determined by the scope of presidential powers, as entrenched in the formal institutional order and reflected in the national constitution. The level of authoritarianism is largely inconsequential for party system fragmentation, while the role of electoral rules is secondary. Institutionally weak and institutionally strong autocratic presidents have a preference for fragmented party systems, while presidents with an intermediate range of powers seek and obtain low levels of party system fragmentation.     

Governance and order-making in Central Asia: from illiberalism to post-liberalism?

ABSTRACT

This forum brings together five different angles on the question as to whether and how political regimes and forms of order-making can and should be researched through the concept of ‘illiberalism’. The discussion engages critically with this and associated concepts, such as ‘illiberal peace’ and ‘authoritarian conflict management’, which have been developed out of the Central Asian / Eurasian context and discussed in their wider global ramifications and, within the framing of ‘illiberal peace’, explored in various contexts in and beyond Central Asia. While further assessing the relevance and implications of this approach, this forum also attempts to think beyond ‘illiberalism’ by introducing and discussing the idea of ‘post-liberalism’. This way, the authors engage in an exchange that serves to probe both concepts and to determine their strengths and limitations when it comes to analysing and understanding politics and societal processes in Central Asia.     

马克思主义时代观理论形态的逻辑演进——论马克思、列宁、邓小平的时代理论和创新发展

马克思主义时代观是科学认识和系统把握时代发展变革规律性的立场、观点、方法的综合集成,是马克思主义时代发展理论的高度概括和集中体现。商品经济产生资本主义,资本主义导致帝国主义,国家垄断资本主义作为垄断资本主义的典型形式和成熟形态,成为通向社会主义的新物质准备与历史阶梯和发展中间站。资本主义的整个发展过程及其通向社会主义道路,又是以经济现代化和全球化为载体的世界社会化大生产从低级形态向高级形态逻辑演进过程,并以三个不同发展阶段形成了世界历史发展的三个不同时代。马克思、列宁、邓小平系统考察他们各自所处于的世界经济现代化和全球化不同发展阶段及其具有不同的时代内容和时代形式,从世界体系和全球战略上科学揭示出世界历史不同发展阶段及其时代发展变革规律性,形成了时代构成基础、时代中心问题、时代发展道路三位一体的马克思主义时代观及其创新发展的三大理论形态。这三大时代发展理论形态以鲜明的时代内容和时代形式,不仅成为马克思主义理论体系发展的三大阶段及其时代化的主要标志,而且构成了马克思主义理论体系的重要组成部分,成为马克思主义体现时代性、把握规律性、富于创造性的科学方法和理论支柱。     

井冈山和中央苏区时期民生实践的经验及启示

中国共产党在井冈山、中央苏区时期首创了“真心实意为群众谋利益”的民生理念,开展了丰富的民生实践,为中国共产党革命为民、执政为民宗旨的确立提供了理论的源泉和作出了实践的榜样,为一代又一代共产党人关注民生、执政为民的民生实践提供了原创性经验。中国共产党在井冈山、中央苏区时期的民生实践,对当今中国解决教育就业、收入分配、住房医疗、健康安全、社会保障、公平正义、民主法治、生态环境等一系列新的民生问题,提供了历史借鉴。     

中央红军长征途中在贵州召开的几次重要会议

中央红军长征途中,中共中央在贵州先后召开了黎平会议、猴场会议、遵义会议、鸡呜三省会议、苟坝会议等一系列重要会议,作出了一系列正确的决策部署,挽救了红军,挽救了党。     

贯彻落实十七届三中全会精神 推进铜仁地区农村改革发展

党的十七届三中全会,对我国农村改革发展做出了新的部署。我们应乘势而上,认真贯彻落实党的十七届三中全会精神,推进铜仁地区农村改革发展。     

为党为国为民 无私无畏无愧——胡耀邦拨乱反正与拨乱反正中的胡耀邦

"拨乱反正"是改革开放的前提,是中国共产党和中华人民共和国历史进程中的一个重大事件.胡耀邦在这一重大事件中起到了举足轻重的作用.胡耀邦为党为国为民拨乱反正的丰功伟绩和在拨乱反正过程中体现出的无私无畏无愧品格将永载史册.     

中央苏区时期反腐败斗争中的群众监督

中华苏维埃政府曾被号称＂空前的真正的廉洁政府＂,中央苏区时期,反腐败斗争取得卓越的成绩与群众的监督有着密切的联系。当时,群众参与监督的方式主要有：通过建立民主制度监督;群众参与监督机构;发动群众进行检举和控告;诉诸舆论武器。中央苏区时期反腐败工作发挥群众监督的作用对今天仍有许多启示。     

我国地方政府权力来源之分析

地方政府是国家机器的重要组成部分，它与民众有着直接、广泛、密切的联系，对国家的政治稳定、经济发展、社会安定起着举足轻重的作用。因此，重视地方政府权力的正确行使，保证地方政府有效治理地方事务，对于国家的发展，社会的进步，对于我国和谐社会的构建都有着不容忽视的作用。我国地方政府权力的真正来源是什么以及如何正确行使我国的地方政府权力，可以通过分析我国早期地方政府体制的确立、不同时期地方政府的权力及其来源演变、以及我国新时期地方政府权力来源来揭示。     

Multiple democracies: political cultures and democratic variety in post-enlargement Europe

Democratization studies endorses a liberal view of democracy and political culture. Insufficient notice is taken of alternative models of democracy. I argue that a ‘multiple democracies’ approach that takes potential variety in democratic political cultures into account has three advantages over the conventional approach: it is sensitive to the historical and contextual nature of democratic regimes, it takes a dual imaginary into account, and it is able to conceptualize the emergence of innovative forms of political culture. Instead of a ‘model approach’, I suggest a multiple democracies approach that identifies political cultures by means of available patterns of cultural repertoires or ethics of democracy.