论中央苏区党对廉政文化建设的探索与贡献

中央苏区的廉政文化建设就是对干部加强政治思想理论和知识教育,不断提高防腐反腐的能力,加强为政之德的政治伦理教育,营造反腐败的舆论氛围。廉政文化建设必须有法可依,建立健全各项民主制度,发挥行政监察机关的作用,强化舆论监督,对腐败分子绳之以法。廉政文化建设要以革命战争为中心,并作为执政党的一件大事抓紧抓好,同时还必须坚持以人为本的理念。     

井冈山和中央苏区时期民生实践的经验及启示

中国共产党在井冈山、中央苏区时期首创了“真心实意为群众谋利益”的民生理念，开展了丰富的民生实践，为中国共产党革命为民、执政为民宗旨的确立提供了理论的源泉和作出了实践的榜样，为一代又一代共产党人关注民生、执政为民的民生实践提供了原创性经验。中国共产党在井冈山、中央苏区时期的民生实践，对当今中国解决教育就业、收入分配、住房医疗、健康安全、社会保障、公平正义、民主法治、生态环境等一系列新的民生问题，提供了历史借鉴。     

党的十八届三中全会精神是当前干部教育培训的重要内容

党的十八届三中全会是中国共产党历史上一次承前启后的重要会议，此次会议通过的《决定》是党中央全面深化改革的大思路、大战略、大举措、大突破，是指导我国改革发展里程碑式的纲领性文件。加强学习、宣传、贯彻落实十八届三中全会精神是干部教育“围绕中心，服务大局”的客观要求，是当前和今后一个时期干部教育培训机构的重要政治任务。     

Parties, rules and government legislative control in Central Europe: The case of Poland

A distinguishing feature of Central European polities is a strong policy-shaping role of parliaments. This article demonstrates how party political and procedural factors set the scene for the executive's loss of legislative control in Poland. Parties undermine the governmental grip because of their limited internal cohesion and competitive coalitional strategies. Parliamentary rules reinforce such party effects. The executive can shield its bills from amendments by relying mainly on partisan controls, not formal privileges. But, as an analysis of over 300 bills shows, when party discipline and coalition cooperation are in short supply, partisan controls are ineffective as instruments of legislative control.     

民初大理院审判独立的制度与实践

清末颁行之《法院编制法》首倡审判独立 ,可是成效未彰清室已亡。民国初期 ,民国北京政府所颁行之宪法文件皆明定审判独立原则 ,当时的最高法院———大理院依照宪法原则以及法院编制法 ,厉行审判独立 ,其影响横向及于其他中央机关 ,纵向影响及于地方司法机关 ,可谓最大限度地排除了其他机关对审判权的干涉。然而民国初期正值军阀混战、政局纷扰之际 ,大理院所致力的审判独立事业亦难免为时局所累。     

析中央红军在长征中的整编

长征时期,中央红军为摆脱敌人的围追堵截,顺利完成战略转移,在不同阶段对部队编制以及指挥体制进行了多次改编,大大增强了指挥的灵活性和军队的战斗力,为中央红军夺取长征最后胜利奠定了基础。     

The rise of the Jama'at al Tabligh in Kyrgyzstan: the revival of Islamic ties between the Indian subcontinent and Central Asia?

After two centuries of close relationships, especially under the Mughals, Islamic ties between India and Central Asia have been considerably weakened, first after the Tsarist colonization and then by Soviet religious repression and ideological isolation. However, when Central Asian post-Soviet republics became independent in 1991, they renewed all kinds of links with the Indian subcontinent. Moreover, the revival of Central Asian Islam benefited from inspirational international Islamic sources from Turkey, the Arab countries and India. The latter drew less attention from analysts than other sources of influence, although it has gained ground all over the region in past years, particularly in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, where the India-based Jama'at al Tabligh has achieved significant success. This Islamic organization, established in British India in the 1920s, defines itself as a non-radical and non-political movement, promoting ‘basic’ Islamic faith and practice. So far, the Jama'at al Tabligh has been tolerated by local authorities who would rather use them as a shield against the more radical Islamic groups that are openly opposing the regime.     

十八届四中全会开创法治反腐的新局面

党的十八届四中全会通过的《中共中央关于全面推进依法治国若干重大问题的决定》提出了一系列反腐的新部署、新观点和新举措,开创了法治反腐的新局面。法治引领治腐、防腐,规范、制约权力和对腐败问题"零容忍",每一项都直接遏制权力腐败。     

Studying Peace in and with Central Eurasia: Starting from Local and Trans-Local Perspectives

ABSTRACT

In view of a crisis of liberal universalism peace research must reflect on how it is perceived, how peace is constructed in other places and how it can cope with diversity in ordering and peacebuilding. This Special Issue is an attempt to search starting points for peace research in and with Central Eurasia. The introductory concept clears a path through current research questions, normative problems and barriers of knowledge production. Considering ethnographic methodologies, it starts from the local everyday and takes an interest in how actors and institutions in concrete places and multiple socio-spatial configurations navigate conflict and peace.     

The charismatic leadership of the ECB presidency: A language-based analysis

There is little doubt that the European Central Bank (ECB), and in particular its presidency, has taken the lead in tackling the euro crisis. But can this leadership be also characterised as charismatic? This article answers the question by focusing on language – a key component as well as a reliable indicator of charisma. By means of a software-assisted content analysis of the entire corpus of ECB presidential speeches, it is found that the crisis has indeed led to the emergence of the Bank's presidency as a charismatic euro leader. This in turn confirms the recent politicisation of the ECB, but at the same time might be seen as mitigating the problems related to the Bank's democratic deficit, to the extent that charisma can be seen, from a Weberian standpoint, as an alternative source of political legitimacy.