马克思主义经典作家权力制约思想及其当代发展

马克思、恩格斯批判地继承了人类社会的文化遗产,科学地提出了自己的权力制约思想;列宁在领导苏维埃俄国的革命和建设中,为避免权力的腐败和滥用,也提出了自己的权力制约思想。在当代中国的现代化进程中,中国共产党几代领导人继承和进一步创新发展了马克思主义经典作家的权力制约思想。在当前新形势下,权力制约的战略构想又有了新的特色。     

提升中国文化软实力与文化“三自”

提升中国文化软实力，就要正确看待文化“三自”——文化自觉、文化自信、文化自强。提升文化自觉需要提升对文化发展作用、文化发展规律和文化建设责任担当的高度自觉；增强文化自信需要正确看待中国古代传统文化、中国特色社会主义文化、外国文化三种文化；实现文化自强，建设社会主义核心价值体系是关键，建立并完善社会主义文化发展和繁荣制度是保障，人民群众是根本依靠力量，推进文化体制改革是动力。     

The power of everyday subordination: exploring the silencing and disempowerment of Chinese migrant domestic workers

This paper examines how Chinese female migrant domestic workers are influenced by different forms of subordination; how norms, practices, and power relations enable and legitimize their subordination; and the ways in which subordination elicits compliance while silencing and disempowering the workers. I advance a new perspective on subordination, linking forms of subordination with forms of consciousness. Consciousness of one’s treatment and how one is changed by it informs the decision of whether to remain silent. Compliance, silencing, and disempowerment are facilitated by recognizable and subtle forms of subordination that can directly control individuals’ actions, shift their perspectives, and cause them to act against their own interests. When workers are not conscious of the insidious impact of subtle subordination upon their attitudes, perspectives, and behavior, they are far less likely to resist.     

正确理解群众路线与社会主义核心价值体系的关系

当前,在中国特色社会主义事业建设中,要提高我国的综合实力,就必须深入开展社会主义核心价值体系的学习和教育,并将群众路线贯彻其中。二者在本质上都是服务人民、联系群众,并且以实现社会主义价值理念为核心;群众路线在社会主义核心价值体系的学习教育和推广过程中得以丰富和发展;践行群众路线与社会主义核心价值体系的建设都是长期的过程,是曲折中前进的过程。     

民国刑事诉讼法上的微罪不起诉制度

20世纪20年代，起诉便宜主义逐渐在大陆法系国家法律中得到确认，也很快被民国立法者所接受。在民国刑事诉讼法上，微罪不起诉制度是起诉便宜主义的集中体现，这项制度于1928年《刑事诉讼法》中首次得到确立，此后历经多次修改，在检察官作出微罪不起诉处分的考量因素和具体程序等方面得到了完善，但其适用范围则一直比较有限。在实践层面，微罪不起诉在民国时期的适用率始终偏低，因此很难充分实现其应有的价值。     

El Mercurio Lies,and La Tercera Lies More. Political Bias in Newspaper Headlines in Chile, 1994–2010

In this article we examine the presence of bias in Chile's two main daily newspapers, El Mercurio and La Tercera, both of which have historically been associated with the political right. We analyse their principal headlines in the first 100 days of rule of presidents Eduardo Frei (1994–2000), Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006), Michelle Bachelet (2006–2010) and Sebastián Piñera (2010–2014). We find that La Tercera was more critical of all these presidents than El Mercurio. In La Tercera we also identify an ideological bias in favour of Piñera as compared to the centre‐left presidents, and in El Mercurio a greater bias against Bachelet than the other presidents.     

嵌入式监督:探索权力监督有效实现新模式

纪检监察派驻监督是党和国家监督体系的重要组成部分,也是实现国家治理现代化的必要环节。在监督范式转换、党纪法规调适、反腐倡廉要求和监督探索实践的共同驱动下,部分地区将嵌入性理念、技术和制度引入权力监督领域,创新形成了“党的领导、权力制约、过程监督、信息沟通和制度规范”的嵌入式监督模式。这一模式借助理念嵌入、组织嵌入、技术嵌入和制度嵌入系统建构路径,形成了“权威性、精准化、全程性、常态化和制度化”的权力监督机制,整体推进监督制度优势转化为治理效能。嵌入式监督的实践深化还存在自主性、适应性和融入性困境。纪检监察派驻机构还须提升角色定位能力、目标执行能力和融合监督能力,以此实现权力监督长效化与国家治理现代化。     

接受美学立体思维与思想政治教育

姚斯接受美学是以读者为中心的文学理论,"期待视野"是其核心概念。借鉴姚斯接受美学的立体思维方法对思想政治教育接受进行分析,思想政治教育接受呈现整体性、有机性、动态性的特征。优化思想政治教育接受应尊重接受主体的"期待视野",提高传导者的思想政治教育水平,重视接受介体的良性合力共建,强化对接受客体的把关。     

French engagement versus British commitment. Was it interlingual miscommunication or political manipulation?

ABSTRACT

The efforts undertaken to establish the contemporary European Union started many years earlier. The history of establishing a pan-European organization is interesting not only for historians and economists but also translators and linguists as it is the history of interlingual communication (negotiations and agreements). One such negotiation was allegedly ineffective due to the difference in understanding the French term engagement and its English equivalent employed by translators and interpreters, that is to say the English term commitment. The authors aim at presenting the political background of negotiations and the social semiotic analysis of the terms in question in order to provoke the reader to find the answer to the question whether the negotiation was broken due to interlingual miscommunication resulting from erroneously chosen equivalent or it was destined to failure from the very beginning due to socio-political and economic interests of negotiating parties. In order to achieve that goal, the authors have analysed notes exchanged between the governments of France and Great Britain in course of negotiation. The history of negotiation and the linguistic analysis are combined to illustrate the complexity of meaning construction and the semiotic implications of the contextual dependence of meanings of terms and their dynamic evolution in time and space.