Canada and the Honduran Coup

The purpose of this article is to expose the part played by Canadian imperialism in Honduras before and after the military overthrow of democratically elected Honduran President Manuel Zelaya, on 28 June 2009. It draws attention to the neglected role of the Canadian state's efforts to protect the interests of Canadian capital in Honduras and Latin America more generally through the constant undermining of Zelaya's attempts to return to his legitimate office, and in the ultimate consolidation of the coup under Porfirio ‘Pepe’ Lobo in early 2010. The article simultaneously develops a critique of what has become the standard account of the Honduran coup of 2009. We show how Zelaya was neither a puppet of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, nor an autocrat seeking to entrench his power indefinitely through illegal constitutional reform when he was violently tossed out of government.     

Grammar,context and power: securitization of the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade

In the wake of the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade, right-wing extremists portrayed the event as a threat to public morals, while liberals framed homophobia as a threat to democracy. While these moves managed to polarize and mobilize the public, the government didn’t heed their calls to adopt extraordinary measures. The Parade took place on 10 October and the extremists organized unchecked violent counter-demonstrations. By drawing on Securitization Theory, we triangulate content and discourse analysis to understand why these securitizing moves had a low success. Our analysis shows that although both moves followed the grammar of security, they were only partially embedded into the wider discursive context and were not enunciated by securitizing actors with strong positional power.     

Political Parties and Grassroots Clientelist Strategies in Urban Turkey: One Neighbourhood at a Time

Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas.     

Development as recolonization: the political ecology of the Endosulphan disaster in Kasargod,India

This paper examines the Endosulphan pesticide disaster in Kasargod, Kerala, India. The paper argues that the pesticide disaster was the culmination of an agrarian modernization project implemented in the region by the state-owned Plantation Corporation of Kerala (PCK). An exploration of the political ecology of the disaster shows the recolonization of residents and nature by PCK through neocolonial forms of centralized and exclusionary spatial and resource control mechanisms. In this context, the paper questions the glorification of the “Kerala model” of development from the standpoints of environmental justice and resource rights, relying on the lived experiences of the people of Kasargod.     

From rural rebellions to urban riots: political competition and changing patterns of violent political revolt in Uganda

Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt.     

行政许可自由裁量权的表现与防控

行政许可是行政机关管理社会公共事务的重要手段,行政许可自由裁量权是现代行政权的重要组成部分,在行政许可中普遍存在.从分析行政许可自由裁量权入手,有针对性地构建行政许可自由裁量权的防范与控制体系,可以有效规范行政许可行为,预防和根除腐败现象的发生.     

改革深化中高校思想政治教育职能谈

我国高校正面临着改革深化的现实,高校思想政治教育面临着种种的机遇、挑战与选择,透视高校思想政治教育现状,打破已经不适应高校现状的旧的思想政治教育范式,在改革深化的背景下如何认识高校思想政治教育的职能,发挥思想政治教育生命线作用,是每一位思想政治教育者的责任。     

垄断法下的相关数据市场研究

数据是互联网平台经济的利润中心与关键驱动力.在对平台经济的反垄断审查中,相关机构很少将数据要素纳入审查分析范围.平台经济的反垄断审查分析中需重新审视数据要素的价值.互联网平台是在线经济结构的最有影响力的参与者.与传统的管道业务模型不同,平台市场是多方且相互依存的市场.追求规模化意味着平台须尽一切努力获取数据资源.数据不...     

现行检察权配置的结构性缺陷及其完善

检察权作为一种以程序性监督为内容,以连锁交互的权力组合形式为结构的法律权力,其内在结构的完整性是检察权存在并发挥法律监督效能的前提和基础.现行检察权的配置由于忽视结构性权力的合理构建,造成检察权的结构性脆弱,进而导致检察机关法律监督职能在实践中的弱化.为此,在司法改革中应当注重对检察权结构的充实和完善,根据结构性权力的要求科学配置检察权.     

检察理念三辩

相对于法官,我国的检察官更有责任也更有能力担负现代"清官"使命;在我国的检察权构成中,蕴含着立法权的基因,检察权是人民意志透过立法机关的继续延伸;从法理上分析,我国的检察机关在承担客观义务的同时,还负有不可回避的"中立"义务.