Japanese Network Capital: The Impact of Social Networks on Japanese Political Participation

Recent scholarship shows that social capital has a large influence on political behavior. Social capital’s definition includes trust, norms of reciprocity, and social networks. Most studies, however, ignore the networking component. Here, we test the influence of social networks on political participation using new Japanese survey data. We separately test the effects of involvement in formally organized voluntary associations and informal social networks. We also examine whether hierarchical networks have a different impact on participation than equal relationships. To determine if networks with bridging or bonding social capital affect participation differently, we also measure the openness to outsiders of these networks. Negative binomial regression models indicate a strong positive relationship between formal and informal social networking—including network hierarchy and some forms of openness—and political participation.     

Analyzing the representativeness of internet political participation

Political participation researchers have developed several evaluative techniques to assess the representativeness of political participation patterns. Yet, while the Internet has become a mainstream avenue for political participation in the United States, current assessments of online participation insufficiently apply these methods. To incorporate these methods we begin by drawing upon resource theory to inform two-stage ordered-logit models of online and offline political participation. Our results suggest that the factors predicting online participation often differ from the factors that predict offline participation. Even so, we find that those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds tend to disproportionately possess these distinct online determinants. Next, we use a wide spectrum of political opinion questions to determine whether online participators opinions reflect or distort those of the general population. Overall, we find that online participation tends to relate moderately with liberal preferences. However, because offline participation relates to political attitudes similarly, the Internet only marginally advantages the political voice of liberals. Finally, we discuss the implications of these results.     

A Political Economy Model of Workers Representation: The Case of Union Elections in Spain

In this article we present a political economy model to analyse the effects of union elections. Union elections are the prerequisite for participating in collective bargaining and they are a unique Spanish institution for union recognition. We apply standard political economy assumptions to model the union elections in order to understand their influence on the dynamics of the unemployment rate. Although union elections give the right to vote to virtually all workers, we show that insider power exists and that it introduces a hysteresis effect on the unemployment rate. In addition, the model shows how the date of the union elections can amplify the business cycle. An empirical analysis confirms the main predictions of the model.JEL Classification: K31, J51, E24     

Political Journals in Germany

Germany in the 18th and 19th centuries possessed a wealth of monthly political journals. The period after the Second World War saw a renaissance of monthly journals, which offered orientation to a populace disoriented by National Socialism and war. Today there is a limited number of monthly political journals and their total circulation does not exceed 100,000. But their readership constitutes the small group of citizens who take an interest in politics and in political discourse. Their quantitative influence cannot be measured, their qualitative influence cannot be overestimated. The article focuses mainly on the magazines Neue Gesellschaft/Frankfurter Hefte and Die Politische Meinung. The former is supported by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, the latter by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung.     

政治体制改革的三重背景分析

政治体制改革的背景是一个动态的“力场”,既为其提供动力,也形成了政治体制改革的阻力,在不同的时空条件下,这些因素又发生着微妙的变化,甚至相互转化,对政治体制改革具有重大的影响和制约。     

使命的要求--关于加强党的先进性建设的几点思考

中央决定在全党开展"先进性教育"活动有着深刻的理论、现实和国际背景.保持共产党员先进性是党加强自身建设的需要,是党提高执政能力、完成执政使命的必然要求.党的先进性是历史性与现实性的统一,是"三个代表"重要思想的核心.加强党的先进性建设,需要联系具体工作的实际,深入研究,积极践行.     

苏姗·斯特兰奇的结构性权力论浅析

苏姗.斯特兰奇是英国著名的国际政治经济学家。她的国际政治经济学理论把世界权力分为“联系性权力”和“结构性权力”,并从安全、生产、金融、知识四个基本因素分析国际政治中的权力结构。结构权力分析法克服了现实主义权力论解释国际政治权力的缺陷,是对现实主义权力政治理论的一大超越。因而,对斯特兰奇“结构性权力”论的研究有其理论意义和现实意义。     

Perception of and Satisfaction with Relationship Power,Sex, and Attachment Styles: A Couples Level Analysis

Eighty heterosexual dating couples provided information about their gender, individual histories of abuse in their current relationship, attachment styles, perception of and satisfaction with relationship power. Partner report of physical abuse was the dependent variable. APIM actor results suggest that an individual's gender interacts with perceived level of relationship power and satisfaction with relationship power for physical abuse. Both dimensions of attachment interacted with perceived relationship power for physical abuse. Partner effects were also found. One's partner's sex interacted with perceived power and satisfaction with relationship power. Finally, the partner's avoidant attachment interacted with satisfaction with relationship power. These findings generally replicate and extend the work of H. M. Ronfeldt, R. Kimerling, and I. Arias (1998, J. Marriage Fam. 60: 70–78) by showing how attachment styles, perception of relationship power, and satisfaction with relationship power are related in predicting aggression against a romantic partner.     

以“权力制约＋权利制衡”模式规范权力运行

规范权力运行,既需要权力制约,又需要权利制衡.必须着力于构建"以权力制约权力"+"以权利制衡权力"的模式,通过公共权力与公民权利的合力进取,使公共权力和公民权利统一于社会整体利益,从而实现公共权力逐渐向公民权利的转化或回归.具体途径为建立健全公民参与的制度化、规范化、程序化机制,以及先行完善党内权力制约和权利制衡机制.     

关于“试点”的法律话题——相对集中行政处罚权的理论与实践

相对集中行政处罚权是适时而生的"试点",但这项改革使得法的统一性受到挑战,存在在机构设置上遭遇疑惑等问题.鉴于"试点"的特殊性,需要在制度上予以合法性的调整,包括权限争议解决主体的安排、理解和遵循"一事不再罚"以及努力形成行政执法的制衡合作格局,尽量以"可接受性原则"为优的执法形象出现.当然,在现实操作中既要"容忍试点"但也要注意"减少代价".