延安时期中国共产党发展对内对外关系的经验与启示

延安时期,中国共产党在毛泽东的领导下,在处理各种复杂的关系中表现出高超的政治智慧和斗争艺术,使党与人民之间保持了鱼水交融的关系,党与国民党、党与世界反法西斯阵营各个国家之间的关系基本上呈现出良性互动态势;延安经验表明,人民的拥护与支持,是我党发展与国民党和其他国家关系的基础,而妥善处理与国民党和其他国家之间的关系,又能促进根据地的民主建设。我党在上述方面积累的成功经验,对今天解决内政外交问题具有借鉴和参考价值。     

毛泽东对抗日根据地社会矛盾调处的理论贡献与现实意义

抗日战争时期,毛泽东创造性地提出民族斗争和阶级斗争一致性理论,为全党正确把握统一战线中独立与自主的关系提供了理论上的指导。依据这一理论,陕甘宁边区综合运用行政、政策、法律等手段,建立了一套较为完整的利益调节机制,为党解决抗日根据地社会矛盾提供了成功经验。     

延安时期青年妇女运动的基本经验

延安时期青年妇女运动的历史证明：共产党的正确领导是妇女运动取得成功的根本保证;实事求是、从实际出发是妇女运动取得成功的思想路线;艰苦奋斗、扎实工作是妇女运动取得成功的优良作风。这些经验对新时期青年妇女工作具有重要启示和借鉴意义。     

陕甘宁边区的农村文艺建设及其历史启示

延安时期,陕甘宁边区政府高度重视农村文艺工作。边区农村文艺的繁荣,主要借助于专业艺术团体的文化下乡和发动农民自办群众性的文艺活动两种途径而展开。边区农村文艺建设的成功实践,为我们当前进行社会主义新农村文化建设提供了重要启示。     

党对新中国命名问题的探索

“中华人民共和国”这一国名,鲜明标示了新中国成立的划时代意义、新中国的国体和政体。它以党“建立一个真正的民主共和国”为历史逻辑起点,并在党对“中华苏维埃共和国”、“人民共和国”和“民主共和国”探索的基础上,经中国人民政治协商会议筹备会讨论协商、政协第一届全体会议正式确定。“中华人民共和国”国名虽无“民主”一词,却蕴涵着新中国人民民主的国家本质。     

“去中国化”的台湾中学历史教科书编纂

1987年“解严”后,台湾的历史研究逐渐渗入本土主体性问题。李、扁上台以后,开始有步骤地将其导入中学教育,并将台湾“本土主体意识”当做培养“台独意识”的工具,以台湾“教育部长”杜正胜提出的“同心圆理论”为依据,在1994年、2002年、2004年分别进行了“去中国化”的中学历史教育大变动。通过一系列压缩中国史、增大台湾史的教纲修汀,逐渐将中小学历史教科书中的“台湾史”与中国史分离开来,并将“台湾史”作为中小学历史教育内容的主体。这种隐匿着“台独”意洪的“青少年历史思想改造运动”,其最终目的是培养与形塑台湾青少年新的民族与国家认例。     

中国共产党保持和弘扬艰苦奋斗精神的现实思考

在保持和弘扬艰苦奋斗精神过程中,坚持正确的指导思想和价值取向是思想理论基础;正确认识保持艰苦奋斗精神的现实意义是前提;赋予时代内涵是活力所在;采取一系列重要举措是根本保证;保持党的艰苦奋斗精神,还需要正确认识和处理好诸种问题。     

“80后”媒介形象研究初探——由大批判到盛赞的逆转

自上世纪90年代末期由《萌芽》杂志主办的“新概念”作文大赛引发“80后”文学现象后,经由媒体的不断报道引起社会广泛的关注与讨论,“80后”现象进入人们的视野,“80后”这一群体被贴上了诸多负面的标签,而最近的汶川大地震后媒体上出现了很多对“80后”的表扬和赞美,“80后”的媒介形象经历了由大批判到盛赞的逆转,本文对这一现象进行探讨,认为加之于“80后”群体上的标签是一种刻板成见,是媒体和社会的倭化使然,不应以一个统一的框架去定义和概括他们。     

China in Pacific Regional Politics

Abstract

Foreign aid from China to the island countries of the Pacific has grown rapidly over the last few decades and an expanding body of literature has examined various aspects of what this means for politics in the region generally. This article focuses on China’s impact on Pacific regional politics partly from the perspective of identity politics. It suggests that China has substantially increased its engagement with the Pacific island states by making use of its own identity as a South–South development partner in contrast to traditional (mainly Western) donors in the region. Unlike most traditional donors, however, China’s diplomacy and engagement are based largely on bilateralism, and this is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. This approach could continue to limit its impact on Pacific regionalism, regardless of how it projects its image.     

Examining the Shift to Services: Malaysia and China Compared

ABSTRACT

When do countries that pursue industrialisation through the development of their manufacturing sector shift to services? Does the shift take place because manufacturing development has matured with the development of indigenous technology? What is the role of policy in this shift? Understanding this shift is crucial due to the changing nature and role of services in development and its association with deindustrialisation. This article seeks to compare Malaysia and China’s shift from manufacturing to services and the challenges and prospects of such a shift. The main findings indicate that Malaysia’s shift occurred earlier than China’s and was prompted by the failure of its manufacturing sector to deepen as it has not produced any world-class domestic technology firms. China’s more recent shift is associated with on-going upgrading in its manufacturing sector while some global domestic technology firms have also emerged. Both countries used similar policies to drive this shift in response to domestic and external changes. The services sectors of both countries are still dominated by domestic market orientated, labour-intensive services. Developing competitive knowledge-intensive services in both countries will need a reform of their state-owned enterprises and the production of more talents that are needed for these types of services.