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281.
Jon Harald Sande Lie 《Development in Practice》2017,27(2):196-207
The instituted order of humanitarianism is both changing and challenged. This article addresses the transition between humanitarian action and development aid in northern Uganda, which was driven by the government’s ambition to reassert its humanitarian sovereignty by discursively recasting the situation from one of crisis to one of recovery and development, regardless of the persistent humanitarian needs. In response, humanitarian actors either withdrew or moved into development aid. This bourgeoning humanitarian–development nexus questions the nature and future of humanitarianism and whether there is a hierarchy – or contradiction – between the humanitarian mandate and pragmatic approaches to save lives and protect civilians. 相似文献
282.
283.
缅甸目前正处于从军人执政向民选政府过渡时期。然而,在这一转型过程中,佛教徒与穆斯林之间的暴力冲突却越来越严重。宗教冲突首先是在缅甸西部若开地区爆发,然后扩大到缅甸的其他地方。众所周知,缅甸是一个佛教为主的国家,穆斯林仅仅是少数。而且,一般认为,缅甸国内的穆斯林是东南亚地区最不激进的群体之一,而佛教教义的核心理念之一也是和平与非暴力。那么,到底是什么因素造成了缅甸佛教徒与穆斯林的暴力冲突?笔者认为英国殖民统治政策造成的佛教徒与穆斯林之间根深蒂固的不信任是缅甸宗教冲突的根本原因,缅甸政治转型过程中日益高涨的佛教民族主义是重要原因之一。 相似文献
284.
《Communist and Post》2014,47(2):227-236
This article surveys and discusses the latest wave of mass protests in Ukraine, the Euromaydan. This study situates the Euromaydan within the history of the other protests in post-communist Ukraine and makes a comparison to the Orange Revolution (the Orange Revolution). The authors recognize the importance of international factors, but argue that Ukrainian domestic political factors contributed significantly not only to the emergence, but also to escalation of the latest conflict in Ukraine. This study tests a theory about the role of institutional factors versus the role of cultural-historic legacies in the process of mass protest formation and conflict development. We argue that institutional factors, such as: governmental policies; the composition of governmental, opposition, and civil society groups; corruption; and timing of legislative activity on most divisive issues in Ukraine have contributed to the conflict escalation in Ukraine. 相似文献
285.
区域水资源共享冲突的网络治理模式创新 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
水资源是关系国计民生的重要战略性自然资源,具有多种属性。2009年世界水日的主题(跨界水:共享的水、共享的机遇)引发了各国对跨界水资源治理制度的关注。典型的市场治理或科层治理机制已经无法解决跨界水资源多维属性的复杂问题,其治理效果和效率在不断降低。本文从我国的水资源共享冲突区域现实及9+2合作区的构建出发,认为我国的区域水资源共享冲突治理需要借鉴西方的网络治理模式,以提高治理效率。西方学者提出的共享型治理、领导型网络治理和行政型网络治理三种不同的网络治理结构模式在我国不具备独立存在的环境,认为水资源的共享治理创新将涉及流域沿途的不同区域不同部门,以及同一区域不同层次的各部门。应该建立一种兼具领导型网络与行政型网络的复杂治理结构,即按照传统的自上而下层级结构建立纵向的权力层次,并按照新兴的各种利益集团组织建立横向的行动规则,形成区域公共物品或公共服务的共享供给和实施决策机制。 相似文献
286.
M. Omar Faruque 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2018,26(1):65-86
Drawing on social movement scholarship, this paper analyses subaltern struggles against a multinational mining company. The Phulbari coal mine is the centre of contention between the mining company and local/national activists. Local concerns about the dispossession of lands and livelihoods and environmental destruction have been merged with a Leftist political agenda on the growing vulnerability of the state and national sovereignty in the Global South. A close examination of the movement's discourses suggests that a broader political struggle against resource plunder and energy imperialism has been strengthened by local community resistance to an environmentally destructive coal mine. Based on in-depth qualitative interviews, I analyse how activists have created new meanings of the conflict to confront and delegitimize hegemonic discourses of capitalist development and modernity. 相似文献
287.
Nino Viartasiwi 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2018,26(1):141-159
This study examines how history is used as a source of legitimacy and a political instrument in the sectarian conflict between the Indonesian government and the West Papua nationalists. This paper explores the debate surrounding two historical aspects relevant to West Papua’s demand for independence: first, West New Guinea’s past as part of the Dutch colony and its relations with Indonesia and second, the 1969 referendum, the so-called Act of Free Choice, to decide West Papua’s fate. The Indonesian democratization in 1998 provided momentum to revise the narration of West Papua’s history. Democracy has empowered the Papuans as the victims of a power struggle to challenge the previous Indonesia’s monolithic narration of history. The Papuans’ alternative narration of history also serves as a medium of liberation from oppression by the Indonesian government. The Papuan story counters the theory that the narration of history is a privilege of the ruler and the winner. 相似文献
288.
Mikel Buesa 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2018,30(3):475-502
This article studies whether the action-reaction model holds on an “embryonic” terrorist group like Galician Resistance (REGA). After presenting an overview of REGA’s history, structure, financing, terrorist campaigns, and the police measures adopted against them, the text empirically contrasts whether deterrence is an efficient measure in reducing an incipient terrorist group’s actions. Our results show that deterrence does in fact reduce the number of attacks when aimed at the group’s periphery. However, it causes a backlash of new attacks when aimed at the group’s core. In addition, we prove that an increase in the number of attacks also causes a reaction by police forces and a higher number of detentions of core members. Our results give some meaningful insights into the design of counter-terrorism strategies aimed against “embryonic” groups. 相似文献
289.
Katie Wright 《Development in Practice》2009,19(6):793-798
The effects of counter-terrorism legislation on civil-society organisations (CSOs) based in the South have received little attention in the wider literature. This article reports on the findings of a series of international workshops to examine the effects of such legislation, held in Lebanon, the Kyrgyz Republic, India, the Netherlands, the UK, and the USA. The evidence presented at these workshops suggests that counter-terror legislation is undermining the work of civil society in complex and interrelated ways. 相似文献
290.
The American West’s longest large mammal migration: clarifying and securing the common interest 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Over the last 10 years, conflict has grown over a 170-mile pronghorn antelope (Antilocapra americana) migration between Grand Teton National Park and the Upper Green River Basin in western Wyoming. Resolving conflict in the
common interest is proving difficult. This movement is the longest mammal migration in the lower 48 states, spanning the jurisdiction
of three federal agencies, three Wyoming counties, and over 40 private landowners. In addition, there are over ten non-governmental
conservation organizations, two major state agencies, Wyoming’s executive office, and many citizens involved in the issue.
There are three major problem definitions serving the beliefs of participants: the ecological-scientific (conservation biologists,
environmentalists), local rights (local control, property rights), and cultural value (historic, western heritage) definitions.
These definitions challenge the social and decision making processes of regional communities and government agencies. Underlying
the problem of securing the common interest is the highly fragmented patterns of authority and control, misorganized arena(s),
and parochial perspectives of many participants. Options promoted by participants can be loosely classified as top-down (government,
expert driven) versus bottom-up (local, practice-based) approaches and reflect preferences for the distribution and uses of
power and other values. Given the social and decision making context of this case, the bottom-up, practiced-based approach
would likely best secure a common interest outcome. 相似文献