Overcoming poverty and inequality: Rwanda's progress towards the MDGs

Despite the 1994 genocide there has been annual growth in Rwanda every year since 2000. Poverty has decreased; while the MDG target of 23.8% is unlikely to be met by 2015, the future looks hopeful. The goal of reducing hunger is measured by underweight children – already down to target – and extreme poverty – likely to hit the target. Key to success is reducing dependency on the land, but a majority of the population still depend on their farm or plot. However, hitting targets for reducing poverty is not the same thing as abolishing it, and achieving targets does not necessarily solve problems.     

当今犯罪构成理论的八大矛盾

现今犯罪构成理论的基本理论和基本框架是正确的 ,但在一些细节上却存在不少矛盾 ,比如 ,犯罪构成定义认为 ,犯罪构成决定行为的社会危害性及其大小 ,这与事物的性质由事物的内在矛盾决定的原理相矛盾。再如 ,通说将犯罪客观方面称为犯罪构成的要件 ,将客观方面包含的行为、结果也称为客观要件 ,这与逻辑上的种属关系相矛盾。此外还有 ,犯罪客体的定义与犯罪客体的地位相矛盾、刑事责任能力与刑法理论相矛盾 ,等等。这些矛盾说明 ,现今的犯罪构成理论还不够完善     

宪法权利如何进入私法——一个“馒头”引发的法学思考

从年初至今互联网上的"馒头"事件引发出的一连串"博弈"效应,在法学领域具有值得深入发掘的理论价值.文章采用一种"抽丝剥茧"的论证方式,对"馒头"案所涉的私法问题、宪法问题以及宪法与私法之间的博弈问题进行深入细致的阐述,对博弈各方的宪法权利、权利冲撞、冲撞协调给予了一一论证.并结合德国经验的启示,提供了符合中国国情的宪法权利冲突解决方案,为宪法权利进入私法提供一种"实证"性的进路.     

利益关系的调整是构建和谐社会的重要基础

“构建和谐社会”是当前和今后一个相当长时期中国社会发展的主题。要实现这一目标,必须从政治、经济、文化等诸方面调整好各种利益关系,它已成为构建和谐社会的重要基础。     

Test–Retest Reliability of the Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2)

The Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2) are widely used to measure intimate partner aggression. Various aspects of the CTS2 and its subscales have been examined, e.g. factor structure, internal consistency, and validity, but little or no evidence exists regarding the stability of the self-report of aggression on the CTS2 This study examines the stability of reports of aggression against a partner on the CTS2 among 82 men court-mandated to a batterer intervention program. At both testing times men reported on aggression occurring in the year prior to beginning treatment. Using variety scores, stability of report was strong for psychological aggression (r = 0.69), physical assault (r = 0.76), injury (r = 0.70), and negotiation (r = 0.60), but weaker for sexual coercion (r = 0.30). Implications for the use of the CTS2 in court-mandated populations are discussed.

后现代合作取向治疗的出场——政治辅导员职业角色冲突化解的新高度路径

政治辅导员制度在当下的中国高校的普遍化实行,造就了中国特色社会主义大学的良好政治定向.但是在这一崇高、深远意义的政治导向的背后,政治辅导员却遭遇到地位的低下、角色冲突、身份的认同的消解.中国现代大学制度的建立一个主要的前提就是政治辅导员身份认同、价值排序的良性运演,这种迫切问题亟需引起教育界、理论界的重视.后现代合作精神取向治疗的出场,为其问题的破解提供的新的路径方式.     

论医患冲突中的权利限制

医患冲突的频繁发生有多种原因,但医患权利内容的混乱、错位以及模糊不清所导致医患权利配置的不平衡、不协调是很大的因素,使得医患双方在权利行使过程中无所适从,从而导致冲突的一再发生。有效地规范医患双方权利,特别是对权利的有效限制,是解决医患冲突的重要手段。     

Climate resilience in fragile and conflict-affected societies: concepts and approaches

To understand resilience to climate and environmental changes in fragile and conflict-affected societies is particularly important but equally challenging. In this paper, we first develop a conceptual framework to explore the climate-fragility-conflict and climate-resilience-peace nexus. Second, we discuss approaches to promote pathways from climatic changes to peace. We draw on the relevant literature and International Alert's experience in fragile and conflict-affected societies to stress the key role of resilience. To build resilience, climate, development, peacebuilding, and government actors would have to overcome bureaucratic and institutional barriers and cooperate across thematic and regional silos.     

Beyond Dyads: Regional Democratic Strength’s Influence on Dyadic Conflict

Over the history of modern international relations research, we have moved from systemic and regional studies to empirical explorations of dyadic interactions. However, our statistical models have put the details of dyadic interactions under a microscope at the expense of ignoring the relevant regional context that these dyads interact in. This development has been in part due to computational limitations, but do we really believe that decision makers interact with one another while ignoring the regional power balance and the wishes of regional powers? In this article, I take a look at the well-researched relationship between democracy and peace by using a multilevel approach to dyadic interactions and the regions they are embedded in. The findings suggest that when the regional power balance favors democracies, it influences conflict between dyads, especially mixed dyads, by increasing the costs of aggression by autocracies and establishing regional norms of cooperation and compromise.     

Trade Interdependence and the Use of Force: Do Issues Matter?

In this project, we investigate the relationship between the use of military force and trade interdependence, suggesting that the influence of trade on militarized conflict varies based on the issue under dispute. For some issues, trade is likely to attenuate the chances that states escalate a dispute to the use of military force, while for others trade can intensify disputes so that military conflict is more likely. Specifically, we hypothesize that greater trade interdependence decreases the probability of military conflict over realpolitik issues like territory. On the other hand, greater trade interdependence increases the probability that states use military force when the issue under dispute concerns the regime, policies, and conditions in the target. To test our hypotheses, we employ new data on dyadic uses of force from the International Military Intervention data set that records the initiator’s reason(s) for using force against the target. The statistical tests support our hypotheses; trade decreases the use of force against a target for territorial and military/diplomatic reasons, which is consistent with arguments from the liberal paradigm. However, trade interdependence increases the use of force for humanitarian and economic reasons as well as to affect the regime or policy of the target. Thus, our study improves upon current research about the relationship between economic interdependence and foreign policy by specifying a conditional relationship based on the issues under contention.