中欧国家媒体的“中国观”:基于媒体报道的分析

本文通过对一段时期内中欧四国(捷克、波兰、匈牙利、斯洛伐克)部分主流媒体涉华报道的主要内容、对华评价、信息来源、议题设置以及对双边关系的态度等进行指标分析发现,当前中欧四国媒体的中国观非常复杂:政治和社会文化议题呈现出明显的负面态度;经济上兼具正负两方面态度;在中美矛盾冲突日益激烈背景下,中欧国家媒体并没有出现“站队美国”的倾向;在科技领域,承认中国在网络技术和数字经济领域的进步和领先地位。中欧国家媒体中国观的一个重要出发点是在发展对华关系中获得实际利益,中国的国际影响力对本国会产生何种作用。中欧国家媒体中国观的形成是其各自国家利益、历史经验、价值观、舆情民意等多种因素互动作用的结果。本文从“议程设置论”角度探讨了中欧媒体中国观的呈现方式以及中欧媒体中国观的代表性问题,即媒体是反映本国精英的中国观还是大众的中国观。     

他们为什么呼吁人道主义——19世纪至20世纪初俄罗斯人道主义思潮简析

19世纪至20世纪初,人道主义成为俄国精英文化的主旋律,其深刻的历史与文化原因是:东正教教义对俄罗斯文化精英们的长期心灵洗刷;俄罗斯广袤大地上长期存在的村社文化对他们的精神影响;同时,对西方工业文明的体验与批判也深化了他们的俄罗斯人道主义思想。     

东汉知识分子重名原因述补

东汉士人重名,其原因可归结为以下几点:汉朝以孝治天下,士人立身扬名,为孝之大者;儒生太多太贫,求仕太难,儒生为求得荐举征辟,不得不想方设法提高自己的名声;社会舆论对名声的普遍重视;士人名声不取决于官府而取决于舆论;士人对垂名青史的追求与对历史公正性的信任.     

中俄关系史上的五条路

中俄关系史上存在五条路:丝绸之路、毛皮之路、茶叶之路、西伯利亚大铁路-中东路、中苏生命交通线。这五条路如同河流,流淌在中俄两国之间,将不同时空背景下的中俄(苏)两国串联在一起,不但关联着中俄两国的国家发展战略,而且关联着中俄两大民族、国家关系的发展战略。基于近代中国不平等条约体系,尽管有些路在某种程度上损害了中国的国家利益,对中俄关系的发展产生了一些消极作用,但整体而言,这五条路客观上分别从政治层面、经济层面、文化交流层面对中俄两国的发展战略以及两国关系的发展产生了较大的积极影响,为当下构建新时代中俄全面战略协作伙伴关系格局、顺利实践有利于全人类发展的"一带一路"倡议、构建人类命运共同体奠定了深厚的历史基础。     

东汉明帝民族政策论析

东汉明帝继承和发展汉光武帝的民族政策,致力于解决周边民族问题:努力平定西羌的叛乱、制定防范措施;针对北匈奴不断的骚扰,由政治和解、积极防御转向战略进攻;重新开通西域;加强与西南少数民族政治关系。汉明帝的民族政策不仅有利于边境的稳定与国家的安全,而且推动了边境地区经济的发展与社会进步,极大地维护和光大了“光武中兴”的成果。当然,其民族政策中也有若干失误,带来了一定的消极影响。     

Case Study of Management Internships: Eastern Europeans in America

Abstract

A great Eastern European shortfall is in trained managers for free market operations. While many management training programs have been offered for former communist countries, some of the most effective have been internships that immerse managers in the business environments of free market countries. This article examines the effects of an internship program on fifty-three managers from Romania who were interns in the United States and compares their experience with undergraduate student interns from Bulgaria who had a somewhat similar internship.     

中东民族主义与政治发展:历史、现实及前景

中东政治发展始终伴随着民族主义的嬗变。在中东早期宪政改革与民族国家体系的建构过程中,民族主义扮演着重要的角色。民族主义与当代中东政治发展存在着结构性的矛盾。从全球化与现代化的角度看,当代中东民族主义并没有衰落,而只是处于转型阶段。当代中东政治发展只能超越历史上的民族主义,而不能超越民族主义的历史。其面临的困境不能简单的归结为中东民族主义的制约,更不能以超越民族主义作为解决的途径。民族主义与中东政治发展的关系更多的体现为相互扬弃,两者统一于中东国家自身政治发展道路的探索。     

Eliminating Poverty? ‘Financial Inclusion’, Access to Land,and Gender Equality in International Development

The UK White Paper on International Development published in 2009 explicitly links access to financial services with poverty reduction. In doing so, it echoes the policies the World Bank set out in its 2008 Policy Research Report on Finance. This paper offers a detailed analysis of these development policies and connects the current plans for the expansion of financial sectors in the developing world with policies that promote the acquisition of formal land title. The paper argues that as asset‐backed lending expands, commercial banks will come to play an increasingly important role in third world economies. In light of this, it reviews important first‐hand accounts of the difficulties of drafting legislation to protect women's access to land in the face of opposition from commercial lenders, using Tanzania and Uganda as illustrative examples. The paper assesses the implications of expanding access to credit for gender equality and concludes that it is difficult to reconcile the promotion of financial inclusion with the aim of international development to end poverty.     

Extreme-right Parties in Eastern Europe

Abstract

From the moment the Berlin Wall came down scholars and politicians around the world expressed concern about an upsurge of extreme-right politics in Eastern Europe. Dramatic events like the Yugoslav conflict and even the so-called ‘velvet split’ of Czechoslovakia only strengthened this fear. Despite these many general warnings about the rise of extreme right parties (ERPs) in Eastern Europe very little empirical work has appeared on the subject. Mudde's article provides an analytical tool which will help to further understanding of the extreme right in the region. It presents and applies a fairly straightforward typology of ERPs in Eastern Europe based on the (ideological) character of the parties. The pre-Communist ERP locates the origin of its ideological identity in political parties and ideas of the pre-Communist period, generally harking back to national-conservative, monarchist, or indigenous or foreign fascist ideals. The character of the party might be expressed in the open espousal of pre-Communist ideas or by using the associated ‘folklore’, while in some cases there might even be continuity in personnel or organizations (often through the émigré community). With the notable exceptions of Croatia and Slovakia, pre-Communist ERPs have remained marginal in post-Communist political life. The Communist ERP looks for ideological inspiration in the Communist period and includes nationalist splits of the (former) Communist parties as well as new parties that combine a nationalist ideology with a nostalgia for Communist rule. They are mainly successful in countries where the Communist regime had a strong nationalist undercurrent and the party is still in the hands of hardliners (e.g. Romania and Russia). Post-Communist ERPs, finally, locate the source of their identities in the post-Communist period: these organizations are new and their focus is on current political issues. They harbour no feelings of nostalgia, either for the pre-Communist or the Communist period. Post-Communist ERPS have developed in most East European countries but, although some have achieved remarkable electoral successes, in general they have been only moderately successful (similar to ERPs in Western Europe).     

东亚法治社会论纲

东亚国家形成法治社会是历史的必然 ,是市场经济和民主政治的共同要求。东亚国家形成法治社会的内在动力是商品经济的发展 ,其内在精神要件则是不同于新教伦理的其他理性文化。由于形成法治社会内在要素的条件和时间不同 ,东亚国家走上法治社会也就具有指导思想、进程、政府地位和民族性等方面的多元特色。