俄罗斯远东经济发展前景分析

俄罗斯远东地区是俄罗斯面向亚太的战略桥头堡,对俄罗斯在亚太地区的军事、政治、经济具有重要的影响。普京执政后,加强了对俄罗斯各联邦区的控制,远东地区经济进入了新的发展阶段。受地缘政治关系等因素的影响,投资不足问题一直是俄罗斯远东经济的"瓶颈"。预计俄罗斯仍将利用"能源牌"平衡与亚太近邻国家的关系。俄罗斯远东地区在这个前提下以资源开发为主线,如何最大限度地争取俄联邦的支持,努力发展与中国、日本、韩国等亚太国家的经贸关系,就成为决定经济发展前景的关键。     

The Extreme Right in Britain: Still an ‘Ugly Duckling’ but for How Long?

In recent years the far right in Britain has received increased support in local, national, and European elections. Examining these results researchers have pointed toward a wider potential support base for parties such as the BNP. Drawing upon in-depth interviews with the BNP leadership, strategists, and organisers this paper argues that both the party's environment and the party itself must be incorporated if we are to provide a satisfactory account of recent success. Through cross-national co-operation and influence from far right parties elsewhere the BNP has embarked upon a concerted attempt to build political legitimacy. This paper examines this process whilst also highlighting some general policy implications emerging from recent BNP gains.     

前资本主义时期的俄罗斯远东教育

在17世纪俄罗斯人到达远东之前,远东土著少数民族的教育具有原始性。教育还没有成为一种独立的社会活动形式。17世纪俄罗斯"文化人"的到来使远东出现了私人教育,教育作为一种独立的社会活动形式开始在远东大地上产生。18世纪彼得一世改革和沙俄对远东的经济开发促使远东学校教育的诞生,18世纪中叶达到空前繁荣的时期。然而,从18世纪70年代起远东的教育开始走向衰落。至19世纪中叶,远东地区竟没有一所学校,其教育远远落后于欧俄和西伯利亚。     

Russia's “turn to the east”: a study in policy making

Russia's recent reorientation “to the East” has gained increased urgency given events in Ukraine. Here the policymaking process surrounding the “turn to the East” is examined. The focus is on the economic dimension – the economic development of the Russian Far East and engagement with the Asia-Pacific region – rather than geostrategic and security issues. Policymaking is evaluated in terms of general approach and process, with the implications of the evaluation for Russian policymaking more generally then being explored. “Turn to the East” policymaking exhibits a strong commitment to strategic planning that is characteristic of Putin, and which in this case struggles not only with process issues but also with contradictions within the strategy and the challenging realities of the region. Regarding process, a far more institutionalized policy process than the currently dominant personalist view would lead us to expect is found, with relevant bureaucratic and non-state actors well represented in an elaborate and relatively formal process. However a considerable weakening of sign-off procedures is noted, which has lead to policy inconsistency and indeed “policy irresponsibility” among participants. The author attributes the weakening of sign-off procedures to Putin's frustration with the gridlock tendencies of strict sign-off regimes, rather than a desire to create a personalist regime of hands-on management. This suggests that improvement of the Russian policy process requires structural and procedural change, rather than simply leadership change.     

‘It's the quality of government stupid’ explaining patterns in support for far right in the 2022 French presidential election

One of the most important transformations of European politics in recent decades is the rapid expansion of the share of population that vote for parties characterized as populist radical right (PRR) parties. This research note suggests that declining quality of government increases support for populist radical right parties. Using the latest rounds of the European Quality of Government Index (EQI) survey data that sampled at the NUTS 2 regional level in France, and exploiting the fact that the French, presidential elections contained the same candidates (Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen) in 2017 and 2022, we show that regions increase their vote share for Le Pen where the quality of government decreases. We also show that this relationship holds at the individual level. Thus, supplying quality, impartial and fair public services seem to stifle demand for nativism, ethnic favoritism and authoritarianism and suppress support for the PRR party agenda.     

Chinese migration: still the major focus of Russian Far East/Chinese North East relations?

Abstract

In contrast to Sino-Russian relations at the state-level, regional cooperation between the contiguous Russian Far East and Chinese North East has been difficult to achieve, despite the existence of seemingly natural economic complementarities. This article asks why this is the case and argues that one important stumbling block, i.e. negative reactions to Chinese labour migration, has become less problematic. Situating Russian Far East/Chinese North East relations in a regionalist framework the article compares the salience and framing of major issues in regional relations in Chinese and Russian media at the national and regional levels. Contrary to earlier research, the findings suggest that economic and regional development issues, and not Chinese migration into the Russian Far East, are by far the most salient sets of issues on both sides. However, significant differences in the framing of these issues suggest that a convergence of opinion on the desirability of regional cooperation masks contradictory expectations for the direction of regional development.     

俄罗斯的东北亚政策

俄罗斯的东北亚政策在其对外政策中具有非常特殊的位置,俄罗斯在制订东北亚政策时,是以东西伯利亚和远东地区为主要背景,并注重寻找两个平衡点:一是既要积极参与东北亚的政治合作,保证俄罗斯不被排斥在地区事务之外,又要保证这种参与不危害俄罗斯东西伯利亚和远东地区的安全与稳定;二是既要积极参与东北亚的经济合作,保证东西伯利亚和远东所需要的市场、资金、技术和劳动力,又要防止该地区的经济完全脱离俄罗斯,成为东北亚经济的"资源附庸"。俄罗斯在东北亚的政策越来越积极、越来越主动、越来越全面。俄罗斯完成了由旁观者向参与者的转变,正在由普通参与者向核心参与者转变。     

俄罗斯远东地区外资发展态势分析

俄罗斯远东地区由于具有丰富的资源和临近亚太地区,对国外的资金注入具有极大的吸引力。经济转轨以来,远东地区把发展外贸、吸引外资,作为加快地区经济发展,改革地区经济构成,促进工业现代化、丰富市场及加快向市场经济靠拢的重要措施。远东地区外资的分布不尽合理,各国投资的额度差距也很大。     

经济改革时期的远东社会发展问题

俄罗斯向市场经济转轨以来,远东社会领域出现的各种问题,其严重程度超过全俄平均水平。如何解决社会领域中出现的问题,成为摆在远东面前的紧迫问题。远东为此提出一系列相应措施,以保证社会稳定发展。     

远东联邦区土地私有化的发展

在俄罗斯私有化改革已经进行了十多年,但土地私有化一直是非常复杂的问题之一,人们对土地私有化的看法不一。普京总统执政后,俄终于彻底解决了这个问题,土地可以自由买卖了。远东联邦区的土地私有化速度比其他地区慢一些,也遇到了一些问题。