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151.
香港、澳门、新加坡行政主导比较   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
适应社会发展和高效决策的需要,行政主导已成为国际社会普遍的政治现象。由于社会条件的差异,各国各地区行政主导的类型和表现不同,绩效不一。本文对香港与澳门、香港与新加坡的行政主导作比较研究,从政治制度、政府运作、社会条件等不同角度探求了不同形式行政主导的共性与差异。  相似文献   
152.
何训班 《中国法律》2011,(2):9-9,66
值此中國委讬公證人(香港)制度建立三十周年之際,我謹代表國家工商行政管理總局外商投資企業註冊局表示熱烈的祝贺。三十年來,中國委讬公證人(香港)制度適應香港同胞到内地投资經商活勤和香港舆内地聯系日益紧密的需要,從無到有,不断發展完善,爲便利兩地法律界、公證界之間的交流合作發挥了重要作用,有力地促進了内地舆香港的民事交往舆...  相似文献   
153.
香港自20世纪80年代开始推行以“社会为本,辅导为主”的犯罪矫治措施,强调以较宽容的态度处理轻微罪行的青少年,尽量避免让犯罪青少年进入司法审讯制度内,避免把犯事的青少年监禁起来,而是让青少年留在原来的社区里,改过自新,重新做人。在实践中,为了适应社会发展和社区的需要,香港又相继推出了“社区为本”的自新计划,其中就包括社区支援服务计划。  相似文献   
154.
Existing literature has long recognised that the Beijing government has utilised different strategies to suppress the opposition in Hong Kong. However, with the rise of localism against the Chinese government, the implications of such political repression require new exploration and insight. This article adopts Hale’s analytical framework on political repression and argues that the Beijing government can comparatively tolerate an opposition fighting for democratisation, but the localists who advocate self-determination or separatism are harshly condemned and suppressed. In Beijing’s approach, this ‘red line’ was adopted to place national security, territory integration and sovereignty as the top considerations. Theoretically, this paper contributes to distinguishing between two types of opposition groups within sub-national hybrid regimes and analyzes different responses from the sovereign state. Empirically, the case of Hong Kong will help enrich the existing literature by comparing Beijing’s strategies of repression in regard to the democratic opposition and localists.  相似文献   
155.
As countries in Asia work towards achieving development, the state of governance emerged as a benchmark for them. Assessing governance is an important exercise because a country’s image is influenced by its position in world rankings which plays a role in decisions by the international community regarding aid and trade. The methodology adopted in preparing the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) rankings underlines the preference for some values that are dominant in Western liberal democratic systems. This places Asian states at a disadvantage as other traditional values are ignored in assessing the state of governance. This article examines the methods and criteria of the WGI with reference to the case of Hong Kong. An overview of the critiques of WGI and analysis of the scores awarded to Hong Kong reveal the challenge of assessing governance across countries with the same instrument without taking into consideration the context of the units. The article argues that there is a need for developing alternative criteria for accommodating indigenous institutional structures, processes, and practices to ensure that Asian countries can benefit from the desired values of governance and help overcome the partial picture of governance that emerges in the WGI.  相似文献   
156.
William Case 《East Asia》2008,25(4):365-388
In recounting Hong Kong's chief executive election in 2007, this paper charts the unexpected appearance of an “unauthorized” candidate and the occurrence of vibrant campaigning. Further, as electoral competitiveness increased, the liberal form of authoritarian rule that has characterized politics in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) began to change in ways that parallel the electoral authoritarianism practiced in Singapore. This paper argues that such change, if regularized and enhanced, may bring greater stability to the HKSAR’s politics, yielding greater legitimacy, popular compliance, and hence, new efficiencies in control. Even so, analysis of the chief executive election shows that this competitiveness was strongly resisted by the central government in Beijing.
William CaseEmail:

William Case   joined City University of Hong Kong as Director of the Southeast Asia Research Centre (SEARC) and Professor in the Department of Asian and International Studies in 2006. He was previously associate professor at Griffith University in Brisbane, Australia. He obtained his PhD in Political Science from the University of Texas at Austin and his B.A. degree from the University of California at Santa Barbara. He has held teaching or visiting research positions at the University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur, the National University of Malaysia, the University (Institute) MARA in Shah Alam, Malaysia, Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok, and the Centre for Strategies and International Studies (CSIS) in Jakarta. He has published extensively on Southeast Asian politics and political economy in academic journals and media outlets. His most recent book is Politics in Southeast Asia: Democracy or Less. Working title of paper: ‘The 2007 Chief Executive Election in Hong Kong: Comparisons and Consequences’  相似文献   
157.
香港回归前后,内地民事抗诉制度开始进入香港司法界的视野。由于香港普通法强调判决的终局性,民事抗诉制度(以及整个审判监督制度)曾经影响到内地民事判决在香港的承认与执行。然而,随着内地与香港在司法制度上的交流与互动,香港司法界时民事抗诉制度的认识开始产生新的思维。2006年7月,内地与香港签署了相关文件,表明到目前为止,抗诉制度并没有成为两地相互认可和执行民事判决的障碍。但将来的发展,还有待于进一步现察。  相似文献   
158.
香港的刑事执行工作致力于促进罪犯复归社会,强调“以人为本”、“社区为本”的理念。惩教署是香港监狱工作的主管机关。社会福利署负责社区矫正项目的执行。善导会等民间组织在香港罪犯矫正事业中发挥着重要作用。  相似文献   
159.
晚年周作人与香港文学之间所发生的关系,可以说明在近20年来关于香港文学、南来作家研究以及几种不同取向的香港文学史书写中,几种价值取向迥然不同的香港文学史的书写背后所共享的是同样“外来”的新文学观念,而在不同的地域文学书写及其对某种身份认同的建构过程中,那些“当然”的问题预设、知识阈限和思想方法上二元对立的“中心”与“去中心”观念,合谋了我们今天的困境。  相似文献   
160.
香港水警警务运作模式对水上公安工作的启示   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
黎宇轩  余华 《政法学刊》2006,23(4):114-118
已有160年发展历史的香港水警无论在工作机制、警员培训、资源整合、科技意识以及预案制定上均突显出其紧密联系实战需要的工作思路。深入了解和探讨香港水警警务运作模式的特点,有利于完善和加强全国各地水警队伍水上公安工作。  相似文献   
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