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191.
From 1982, when the Chinese government first signalled its intention to take back Hong Kong, to the actual transfer of sovereignty in 1997, the PRC engaged in a long-term campaign to “win friends and influence people” in the British colony. Hoping to prevent a large-scale flight of capital and manpower, and wishing to cultivate a core group of sympathetic local notables as future political leaders, Beijing issued frequent pledges of non-interference in Hong Kong's affairs and adopted classic “united front” tactics — flattering, cajoling, and otherwise wooing potential supporters while snubbing (and sometimes smearing) outspoken critics. Despite intensely negative local reaction to the 1989 “Tiananmen Massacre”, over the long haul Beijing largely succeeded in disarming public fears of a heavyhanded Chinese takeover. Consequently, the handover itself was an extremely calm, tranquil affair. And in the first 2 years of Hong Kong's new status as a “Special Administrative Region” of China, the PRC earned generally high marks for honoring its pledge to uphold the principle of “one country, two systems”. 相似文献
192.
中国共产党在对外交往领域积累了丰富的思想和实践资源,这是深化中国特色政党外交理论研究,丰富外交学理论,构建中国特色大国外交理论的重要学理源泉。中国共产党的世界观和外交价值观一以贯之,外交思想和原则具有高度稳定性、连续性和确定性。党的外交思想坚持人民性、独立性和时代性。独立自主是中国共产党外交思想体系的基石。党的十八大以来,中国积极开展涉港国际斗争,坚决反对与遏制任何国家和外部势力干涉香港事务和中国内政。中国共产党的国际安全理论建设具有长期的思想准备、丰富的实践经验和先进的理论指导,坚持系统思维,构建大安全格局。共同、综合、合作、可持续的新安全观是中国特色国际秩序观的具体体现。 相似文献
193.
杨敬之 《黑龙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2008,(5)
香港基本法的实施,使得中国当代法制在"一国两制"原则下有了新发展,具体表现在立法制度、法律渊源体系、法律体系、司法体制、法律适用制度以及法律解释制度等方面。基本法实施带来的影响不能简单加以衡量。两地应互相包容与理解,以弥合彼此之间的距离,求同存异,给香港基本法的实施提供前行的动力和活力,进一步完善我国当代法制。 相似文献
194.
King Wa Lee 《Asian Journal of Criminology》2009,4(1):31-46
This paper applied time series analysis to examine the nexus between firearm robberies and homicide in Hong Kong Special Administrative
Region (HK). Recent years have seen a reduction in firearm related offences in HK compared to Britain. For instance, only
three cases of firearm robbery in 2004 in HK (0.1% of all robbery; 2,237 incidents) involved genuine firearms, compared to
4,117 firearm robbery incidents (4% of all robbery) in Britain in the same year. This paper established a cross-correlation
coefficient of 0.50 at lag 0 for the annual rate of two serious crimes, genuine firearm robbery and homicide, after identifying
an ARMA(1,0) model from each time series (1972–2002). The results suggest that the prevalence of firearm robbery is moderately
associated with the prevalence of homicide in HK.
相似文献
King Wa LeeEmail: |
195.
郭剑敏 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2010,1(2):38-41
小说《红岩》的创作,典型地体现了建国后五六十年代文学创作中“集体化写作”特征,同时也真切地折射出有关革命历史的叙述在这一历史时期的“本质化”达成。追溯《红岩》的生成过程,比较《红岩》写作过程中所形成的三个文本之间的叙事差异,一定程度上也是对中国当代文学在某一历史时期文学创作机制与意识形态生产方式的一种考察。 相似文献
196.
Lina Vyas 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2016,39(10):744-757
New Public Management (NPM) encourages private sector participation in the provision and delivery of public services through outsourcing. Bureaucrats and contractors assess the values, processes, and outcomes of contract management differently. This study adopts transaction cost economics (TCE), the resource-based view (RBV), and the principal–agent theory to analyze Hong Kong bureaucrats’ and contractors’ views on contract management. It finds that both groups are critical of the existing contract management system in Hong Kong. The study shows that the government’s neglect of the risks is causing transaction costs because it lacks a proper monitoring mechanism, two-way communication channels, and appropriate training, and because of contract complications and issues of accountability. There is insufficient proof to assert that the government purposefully conceals these risks, but they are not properly addressed. 相似文献
197.
Brian Fong 《Democratization》2017,24(4):724-750
On the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the handover, Hong Kong’s transition towards a full democracy remains unsettled. Drawing upon the contemporary theories of hybrid regimes, this article argues that manipulations adopted by electoral authoritarian governments have become increasingly common in Hong Kong today. As Hong Kong’s elections, opposition activities, and media have been increasingly put under electoral authoritarian-style manipulations, the city-state is now situated in the “political grey zone” in-between liberal authoritarianism and electoral authoritarianism and its transition into a full democracy remains nowhere in sight. The case study of Hong Kong will help enrich the existing comparative literature on hybrid regimes by developing a new “in-between category” and offering an interesting case of democratization of sub-national polity. 相似文献
198.
In the current climate of increasing antagonisms and populist discontents surrounding the visible presence of mainland mobilities in postcolonial Hong Kong, there is an acute need to understand how those from Mainland China are racialized. Lowe and Tsang's article provides an examination of the campaign against Mainlanders prevalent in Hong Kong society. The emergent conflicts between Hong Kong and Mainland Chinese migrants overlap with the duality of time or differing time-inflected cultural habits of Mainlanders and Hong Kongers. As Hong Kong's citizenry and Mainlanders contest the status of the former colony and claim rights over it in ways aberrant to both factions' national consciousness, discrimination increases as Mainlanders are castigated by Hong Kongers for grazing their territory with mannerisms deemed unsettling to Hong Kong's everyday notions of time and space. Hong Kongers' sense of collective identity is shored-up as they reject the People's Republic of China’s favoured concept of pan-Chinese ethnicity by constructing Mainlanders as the inverse of themselves. 相似文献
199.
200.
香港个人资料隐私保护之经验——兼论我国个人资料保护法之制定 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
个人信息作为信息的一种,具有与信息相同的特征。个人资料属于现代隐私的外延,指的是可以识别出个人的所有资料。我国香港特别行政区已于1996年12月实施了《个人资料(私隐)条例》。在实施的十年间,法院与香港个人资料私隐专员公署分别做出了一些司法原则和执行决定,很值得我国在制定《个人资料保护法》时加以参考与借鉴。 相似文献