港、澳对“一国两制”制度化应有的努力

“一国两制”之所以可以在香港回归之后，继续维持其繁荣与稳定，其主要的原因，在于北京将香港在1997年之后的“繁荣与稳定”视为政策成功的关键，因而给予大力的支持，这就使得十余年来，“一国两制”的成功得力于北京片面的努力，从北京到香港都忽视了香港对维护“一国两制”应该存在的责任。本文认为北京和香港应该将“一国两制”，视为一种在国家典范下的新制度，欲使“一国两制”成为不同于“一国一制”的制度，香港不应对抗“一国”，更应该与“一国”合作，才能使“一国两制”成为香港长治久安的制度保障。     

香港法律下对中国内地“船舶挂靠”现象中船舶所有人的识别

考察了中国"船舶挂靠"现象所导致的船舶的登记船东与实际船东不一致的问题,以及这样的登记船东和实际船东在香港的对物诉讼中会遇到的法律问题,结合2000年至2006年分别涉及香港的高等法院海事庭、上诉法院及终审法院的几个判例,分析香港不同等级的法院及不同的法官如何认定"船东"一词所指为谁及他们有否及如何考虑在涉及"船舶挂靠"关系时登记船东与实际船东究竟谁是香港法律中所称的船东,并提出香港的法院应根据事实而非登记册认定真正船舶所有人的观点。     

粤港澳区际反黑警务合作的回顾与前瞻

广东地处华南，毗邻港澳，是内地最早受到港澳黑社会渗透的地区之一。为共同打击黑社会跨境犯罪，粤港澳警务部门较早并有效地开展了多渠道、多层次的反黑合作。共同维护了粤港澳地区的社会治安稳定。伴随着粤港澳三地经贸和人员往来的日益密切，黑社会跨境犯罪在一段时期内将有所增多。面对出现的新问题和新动向，粤港澳警方应深化合作、创新机制，高效打击黑社会罪案。     

A Preliminary Validation of the Brief Spousal Assault Form for the Evaluation of Risk (B-SAFER) in Hong Kong

The present study attempted a preliminary validation of the Brief Spousal Assault Form for the Evaluation of Risk (B-SAFER) in Hong Kong. In-depth assessment was conducted on 43 identified batterers and 46 control male subjects. Results suggested that the B-SAFER could correctly classify 95% of the cases. Scores relating to the current situation were found to be particularly important in predicting intimate partner violence. The concurrent validity of the B-SAFER was demonstrated by its correlation with the Conflict Tactics Scale scores. Findings were discussed in the context of developing screening tool in the community setting with the guided clinical approach.     

A REPORT OF THE 2019 HONG KONG PROTESTS

This article is written by a former Royal Hong Kong Police of?cer whose service included Special Branch engaged in counter-terrorism intelligence, and who is currently resident in Hong Kong. It offers a detailed chronological overview of the development of the 2019 protests in Hong Kong; analyses the problems with the political response on the part of the Hong Kong and Beijing governments; it also looks at the tactics employed by the protesters, and critically examines the tactical and strategic response to the protests by the Hong Kong police. It also discusses the broader social and economic causes of the protests, and how the Hong Kong government might best respond to these challenges.     

Data protection in Malaysia and Hong Kong: One step forward,two steps back?

Continuing rapid developments in information communication technology has led to an ever increasing amount of personal information being collected, processed, stored and used, without the individual even knowing about it. For countries which have domestic legislation relating to privacy and data protection, it has afforded the opportunity for a review. For others, it has opened up the opportunity to legislate. The aim of the paper is three-fold. First, the paper aims to deal with data protection regime in Malaysia and in Hong Kong by examining the salient features of the newly enacted Malaysia's Personal Data Protection Act 2010 and the recent recommendations for legislative reform to the Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance in Hong Kong. Second, it considers whether the laws are more concerned with legitimising data protection practices of organizations and businesses rather than the protection of individuals' privacy interests. Finally, the paper briefly considers whether the laws adequately address the impact to individuals' data privacy brought about by technological advancements before providing a conclusion.     

两岸投资协议下争端解决的机构选择

自两岸签署《海峡两岸经济合作架构协议（ECFA）》之后,两岸投资保护协议成为一项重要议程。因此,如何选择投资争端解决的模式就显得至关重要：既要避开政治上的考虑,如选择ICSID解决争端,又要避开让人窘迫的WTO解决模式,还要避开有利益冲突的各种解决争端机构。本文围绕这个主题。提出一个比较新型和理想的模式,即选用第三地仲裁机构解决两岸的投资争端,而香港的仲裁机构应该是一个最佳选择。     

香港与祖国内地双赢的经贸关系--纪念香港回归祖国七周年

香港回归以来,中央政府和特区政府在经贸工作中均按《基本法》办事,贯彻“一国两制”方针,两地遵循国际经贸活动的规则和惯例进行经贸往来。内地经济的发展为香港经济提供了新的广阔的发展空间;香港为内地的改革开放做出了贡献;两地经贸关系促进了双赢的共同发展。     

Lawyers and Hong Kong’s democracy movement: from electoral politics to civil disobedience

Research on Hong Kong lawyers has so far focused on their internal differences and the rise of cause lawyering. Not much has been done on their role in promoting political liberalism. This paper fills a gap by reviewing the history of lawyers’ political activism before and after Hong Kong’s sovereignty shifted from a liberal-colonial to an authoritarian regime in 1997. It argues, first, that Hong Kong’s post-colonial constitutionalized politics and prolonged democratic deficit have given the legal complex—which includes lawyers and also increasingly legal academics—a key role in its pro-democracy movement, and second, critical political junctures have driven activist lawyers to use various means, from electoral politics to civil disobedience, to defend the rule of law and Hong Kong’s tortuous democratization.