深刻认识和把握科学发展观的历史定位——学习党的十八大政治报告

科学发展观的提出和系统化,是党的十六大以来我们党具有里程碑性质的理论创新,是马克思主义同当代中国实际和时代特征相结合的产物,是马克思主义关于发展的世界观和方法论的集中体现,对新形势下实现什么样的发展、怎样发展等重大问题作出了新的科学回答,把我们对中国特色社会主义规律的认识提高到新的水平,开辟了当代中国马克思主义发展新境界,是党必须长期坚持的指导思想。     

新时代主流意识形态话语生态的完善进路北大核心SSCI

话语总是承载着思想和观念存在,并由此体现意识形态色彩。意识形态以话语活动的方式得以输出和传播,并达致其社会功能及价值目标的实现。将话语活动诸要素放置于生态学视角考量,其具有平衡性、竞争性及规则性之品性。新时代话语生态面临新兴话语模式的融入,并已显现出对主流意识形态的冲击和影响,理应做出正视和回应。以话语生态的品性为建构基点,从话语自身、话语主体、话语场域等方面给予审视和重塑,对主流意识形态的良好运化和强大引领力、凝聚力的发挥,从而不断推进主流意识形态在推进新时代中国特色社会主义发展进程具有极为重要的价值意蕴。     

文化诗学：当代中国马克思主义文艺批评发展的历史选择

新世纪以来,马克思主义文化诗学的体系建构,标志着我国马克思主义文艺批评建构进入了一个新的历史时期。文化诗学批评在坚持马克思主义文艺批评方向的同时,广泛吸收了中外既往的文艺批评遗产;在坚守文艺审美本性的基础上,将文艺批评向文化扩展;在坚守文艺对现实＂诗意裁判＂的同时,强烈关注当下中国现实。文化诗学批评的兴起,是我国当代马克思主义文艺批评建构的历史选择。     

Policy attitudes, ideology and voting behavior in the 2008 Election

This article examines the impact of policy attitudes and ideology on voting behavior in the 2010 U.S. presidential election. The analysis uses data from the 2008 American National Election Study. The empirical results indicate that the 2008 election should not be regarded as a simple referendum on the George W. Bush presidency. At the same time, voting behavior was not particularly aligned along stark policy divisions; the direct effects of issue attitudes were confined largely to the most sophisticated stratum of the electorate. Finally, liberal-conservative orientations did affect citizens' political attitudes and candidate choices in ways that are fairly unique, compared to other recent elections.     

学习贯彻十六大精神,一定要抓住"三个代表" 重要思想这一核心问题

学习贯彻十六大精神,一定要抓住"三个代表"重要思想这一核心问题.抓住"三个代表"这个核心,就必须理解它的时代背景和形成的历史过程,就必须把握"七一"讲话的基本精神."三个代表"重要思想的提出与世纪之交我们党面临的国际国内形势任务、与20世纪末国际共产主义运动发生的重大历史挫折、与邓小平向第三代领导集体交接班时的重托以及与世纪之交我党以整风精神开展"三讲"教育的实践活动有密切关系."七一"讲话围绕着贯彻"三个代表"思想提出了十大理论新观点.通过对这些新的理论观点的学习讨论,进一步提高了认识,统一了思想,为十六大的胜利召开奠定了思想理论基础.     

Ideological mavericks or party herd? The effect of candidates’ ideological positions on intra-party success

Political candidates' ideological positions have been used to explain success in inter-party competition, but little is known about how they impact success in intra-party competition. Here, candidates' positions on the Left–Right and GAL–TAN dimensions are analysed in three Finnish parliamentary elections (2011, 2015, 2019). Candidates' ideological positions are measured in terms of their ideological distance from their own party's median candidate. Absolute ideological distances between candidates and their party's median candidate decrease candidates' preference votes. Furthermore, the effects are contingent on the general ideological position of the candidate's party. However, these interactions do not follow any clear pattern, as more rightist candidates in right-wing parties and more green-alternative-libertarian candidates in traditional-authoritarian-nationalist parties all experience a decrease in their preference votes. This effect is large enough to be a decisive factor in intra-party competition between the last candidate that was elected and the first one that was not.     

The Gender Gap in Ideology

Over the past few decades, a gender gap has emerged in the mass public in ideological self-placement. While most men and women moved in the conservative direction, another segment of women retained their liberal self-identifications. A gender gap also exists in how men and women define their ideology. Which issues are linked to ideological identities is conditioned by gender and time period. Finally, ideological identities are structure by nonpolitical values as well as political issues. Religiosity and religious beliefs have come to increasingly shape Americans’ ideological identities, with some differences across the two sexes.

Conflict, Fusion, or Coexistence? The Complexity of Contemporary American Conservatism

This paper draws on an original survey and on the 2004 NES to explore the complexity of contemporary American conservatism. In both datasets, we find evidence that economic and cultural conservatism stand as distinct strands of conservative attitudes. The original survey also allows us to further explore the role of beliefs about the market in economic conservatism. In the end, we find little support for either liberal hopes of fundamental ideological conflict among conservatives or conservative hopes of ideological fusion. Instead, our data suggests that a particular type of ideological coexistence among economic and cultural conservatives is the norm.

In search of a theoretical approach to the analysis of the ‘Colour revolutions’: Transition studies and discourse theory

The article aims to identify a theoretical framework which would be able to provide explanation for the cases of political mobilization during the ‘Colour revolutions’ in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. It reviews the existing literature on the topic, which is predominantly oriented by the ‘transition paradigm’. The major shortcomings of this literature are identified: the privileging of either structure or agency when accounting for social change, a strong emphasis on the role of elites and insufficient attention to collective agency. Accordingly, I argue that the methodology of poststructuralist discourse theory may importantly supplement the ‘transitological’ framework owing to its ability to conceptualize the dynamic interdependence between structure and agency, as well as the formation of collective political identities.     

马克思是怎样了断与鲍威尔的思想关系的——对《德意志意识形态》三个片段的解读和分析

经过《论犹太人问题》和《神圣家族》的铺垫,马克思在《德意志意识形态》中彻底了断了与布鲁诺.鲍威尔思想关系。本文通过对这一著述中的三个片段的解读,甄别了马克思、恩格斯论述问题的逻辑和方式,把握了其进行思想论战的特征和思路,指明他与鲍威尔思想之间的纠葛源于两者观照、理解和把握世界方式的巨大差别:是从观念、精神和自我出发还是根源于现实、感性和实践?