东南亚华商在香港的经济活动分析

香港一直是东南亚华商投资与从事商贸活动的中心,也是东南亚与中国大陆进行经贸联系的中介,1980年代以来,香港更成为东南亚华人企业投资中国的桥梁。二战后,东南亚华商在香港的投资额越来越大,东南亚华人资本已成为香港经济的重要组成部分。尽管东南亚金融危机对东南亚华商在港企业造成了大冲击,但是大多数华人在港企业还是克服困难,度过了难关。     

大陆香港贿赂罪立法的比较研究

香港贿赂犯罪立法体系结构具有合理性、先进性以及较强的实践操作性 ,而大陆贿赂犯罪立法表现出滞后性和欠缺性 ,应借鉴香港贿赂立法的成功经验 ,完善大陆贿赂犯罪立法 ,从而全面有效地打击日益严重形式多样的源头犯罪——贿赂犯罪 ,为我国经济的发展营造良好的法律空间。     

粤港澳刑事警务执法合作的内容与机制构建

随着近年来跨境犯罪的增加,粤港澳警方的刑事警务执法合作体系的构建也越来越趋于成熟,刑事警务执法合作的内容与机制已经初具模型,对中国区际刑事执法合作的研究具有示范性意义。司法实践主体在代为调查取证、送达法律文书、情报交流、缉捕遣送通缉犯、追缴和移交赃款赃物、刑事案件管辖移交、学术交流等合作内容的基础上逐步构建了完整的粤港澳合作机制。     

中国区际警务执法合作的建构过程与特征初探

中国的区际警务执法合作是在四个互不隶属的法域、三种不同的法系、两种不同的政治社会制度中进行,尽管各法域的历史过程有所不同形成了文化区别,但都植根于中华文化文明,所以,构建过程中依赖共同文化底蕴和民族生存与发展的需要。经过30多年努力地孕育和开拓,从相互隔绝到接触、碰撞、磨合,达到今天的互信,构建了具有中国特色的区际警务执法合作机制,并基本适应了维护各地社会治安稳定的需要。     

迪拜与香港现代化比较

迪拜与香港均是世界著名的贸易、金融、旅游和物流中心,二者在战略地理位置、近现代史和发展现代化的历程等层面有很多相似之处。迪拜和香港的现代化进程都受到英国殖民统治的影响;凭借优越的地理位置,它们都从一个小渔村发展成世界著名的港口;移民为它们的经济建设做出了巨大贡献;转口贸易都曾是其经济结构中最重要的构成部分;目前服务业都是其经济构成中占比最高的部门。在发展现代化的道路上,二者都有值得相互借鉴的经验和教训。     

The Future of Political Communication Research: Reflections on the Occasion of Steve Chaffee's Retirement from Stanford University

Based on the psychological model of media priming, we examine the potentially strong link between news content and public opinion about Governor Patten's democratization plan for Hong Kong. Similar to previous priming studies, we hypothesized that an increase in the amount of media coverage of Patten's political reform plan would cause the public to assign more weight to the issue when evaluating the governor's overall performance. To validate the priming hypothesis in a nonexperimental setting, this study uses time‐series data obtained from 52 weekly public opinion polls, coupled with content analysis of three leading newspapers in Hong Kong between October 1992 and October 1993. The findings provide strong evidence supporting the media priming theory on an aggregate data level. Newspaper coverage of Patten's reform plan greatly inflated the relative importance of his proposal in the public's evaluation of his overall performance, with a 1‐week delay. The priming hypothesis survived a stringent test of several rival factors, including autocorrelation, the influence of the economy, and other important real‐world events.     

Executive-Led Governance or Executive Power ‘Hollowed-Out’—The Political Quagmire of Hong Kong

New Zealand has long enjoyed a reputation as a country with a corruption‐free state sector. However, social change and the state sector reforms of the 1980s and 1990s, have rendered that status less secure. While hard‐core corruption does not yet appear to be a major problem, what constitutes corruption can be a function of changing public perceptions and attitudes. Four main types of behaviour of public officials are identified, all of which have a bearing on how corruption is perceived. In New Zealand, there is casual evidence that hard‐core corruption might be more common today than in the past, but the official attitude to the possibility of it increasing seems to be overly sanguine, partly as a result of a very narrow definition of corruption. Vigilance could be enhanced by a stronger role for Parliament's agency, the Office of the Controller and Auditor‐General.     

Authoritarian Co-optation in the Age of Globalisation: Evidence from Hong Kong

The existing literature on authoritarian survival, implicitly or explicitly, assumes that political challenges faced by authoritarian regimes are all domestic. I argue that globalisation exposes authoritarian regimes to new sources of threat. In particular, capital mobility forces authoritarian regimes to deal with not only those who dare to voice out dissatisfaction, but also those who exit. While repression may be the best strategy to silence the vocal, co-optation would be a more effective tool to retain the runaway. It is, however, often impossible to co-opt all the capital owners. As such, authoritarian regimes have to be selective when choosing co-optation targets. I argue that authoritarian regimes would co-opt renowned firms because these firms yield the greatest demonstration effect. Hong Kong provides an interesting case to illustrate my arguments. Beijing strategically co-opted the stakeholders of renowned firms in Hong Kong in order to solve the city's pervasive confidence crisis prior to 1997. I test my arguments with data on firms listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange. I find that firms owned by well-known and prestigious elite families were more likely to build political connections with Beijing. To test the causal linkage more rigorously, I use both the genetic matching and instrumental variable approaches. The empirical results provide strong support to my arguments.     

Securing Hong Kong’s identity in the colonial past: strategic essentialism and the umbrella movement

ABSTRACT

The Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong is the most radical political movement to have taken place in the former British colony since 1967 anti-colonial demonstrations. Using empirical evidence obtained from activists who participated in the Umbrella Movement, this paper explains how Hong Kong’s youth are looking simultaneously to both the past and future to secure their identity in the colonial past even as some hope to achieve ultimate secession from Mainland rule. Racism and anti-Mainland hostilities in Hong Kong are the result of nostalgia and the insurrectionary impulse akin to the millenarianism of social movements founded on suffering and loss that continually seek the recovery of pasts of which they are now deprived. We illuminate how, to young activists, the Umbrella Movement presents hope for a future embedded in the past that remains one the territory and former colony may still aspire toward.     

香港、澳门、新加坡行政主导比较

适应社会发展和高效决策的需要,行政主导已成为国际社会普遍的政治现象。由于社会条件的差异,各国各地区行政主导的类型和表现不同,绩效不一。本文对香港与澳门、香港与新加坡的行政主导作比较研究,从政治制度、政府运作、社会条件等不同角度探求了不同形式行政主导的共性与差异。