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51.
广东地处华南,毗邻港澳,是内地最早受到港澳黑社会渗透的地区之一。为共同打击黑社会跨境犯罪,粤港澳警务部门较早并有效地开展了多渠道、多层次的反黑合作。共同维护了粤港澳地区的社会治安稳定。伴随着粤港澳三地经贸和人员往来的日益密切,黑社会跨境犯罪在一段时期内将有所增多。面对出现的新问题和新动向,粤港澳警方应深化合作、创新机制,高效打击黑社会罪案。  相似文献   
52.
从多元矛盾组合论出发,通过梳理人类社会面临的风险,胡国亨立足风险论视角,提出“大孔子学说”作为纾解智性风险的文化策略,是一个有价值的创见,对于重新审视智性与人类风险的关系具有重要意义。  相似文献   
53.
The present study attempted a preliminary validation of the Brief Spousal Assault Form for the Evaluation of Risk (B-SAFER) in Hong Kong. In-depth assessment was conducted on 43 identified batterers and 46 control male subjects. Results suggested that the B-SAFER could correctly classify 95% of the cases. Scores relating to the current situation were found to be particularly important in predicting intimate partner violence. The concurrent validity of the B-SAFER was demonstrated by its correlation with the Conflict Tactics Scale scores. Findings were discussed in the context of developing screening tool in the community setting with the guided clinical approach.  相似文献   
54.
55.
《亚洲事务》2012,43(4):465-487
This article is written by a former Royal Hong Kong Police of?cer whose service included Special Branch engaged in counter-terrorism intelligence, and who is currently resident in Hong Kong. It offers a detailed chronological overview of the development of the 2019 protests in Hong Kong; analyses the problems with the political response on the part of the Hong Kong and Beijing governments; it also looks at the tactics employed by the protesters, and critically examines the tactical and strategic response to the protests by the Hong Kong police. It also discusses the broader social and economic causes of the protests, and how the Hong Kong government might best respond to these challenges.  相似文献   
56.
Continuing rapid developments in information communication technology has led to an ever increasing amount of personal information being collected, processed, stored and used, without the individual even knowing about it. For countries which have domestic legislation relating to privacy and data protection, it has afforded the opportunity for a review. For others, it has opened up the opportunity to legislate. The aim of the paper is three-fold. First, the paper aims to deal with data protection regime in Malaysia and in Hong Kong by examining the salient features of the newly enacted Malaysia's Personal Data Protection Act 2010 and the recent recommendations for legislative reform to the Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance in Hong Kong. Second, it considers whether the laws are more concerned with legitimising data protection practices of organizations and businesses rather than the protection of individuals' privacy interests. Finally, the paper briefly considers whether the laws adequately address the impact to individuals' data privacy brought about by technological advancements before providing a conclusion.  相似文献   
57.
顾敏康 《时代法学》2012,10(3):64-67
自两岸签署《海峡两岸经济合作架构协议(ECFA)》之后,两岸投资保护协议成为一项重要议程。因此,如何选择投资争端解决的模式就显得至关重要:既要避开政治上的考虑,如选择ICSID解决争端,又要避开让人窘迫的WTO解决模式,还要避开有利益冲突的各种解决争端机构。本文围绕这个主题。提出一个比较新型和理想的模式,即选用第三地仲裁机构解决两岸的投资争端,而香港的仲裁机构应该是一个最佳选择。  相似文献   
58.
香港回归以来,中央政府和特区政府在经贸工作中均按《基本法》办事,贯彻“一国两制”方针,两地遵循国际经贸活动的规则和惯例进行经贸往来。内地经济的发展为香港经济提供了新的广阔的发展空间;香港为内地的改革开放做出了贡献;两地经贸关系促进了双赢的共同发展。  相似文献   
59.
Research on Hong Kong lawyers has so far focused on their internal differences and the rise of cause lawyering. Not much has been done on their role in promoting political liberalism. This paper fills a gap by reviewing the history of lawyers’ political activism before and after Hong Kong’s sovereignty shifted from a liberal-colonial to an authoritarian regime in 1997. It argues, first, that Hong Kong’s post-colonial constitutionalized politics and prolonged democratic deficit have given the legal complex—which includes lawyers and also increasingly legal academics—a key role in its pro-democracy movement, and second, critical political junctures have driven activist lawyers to use various means, from electoral politics to civil disobedience, to defend the rule of law and Hong Kong’s tortuous democratization.  相似文献   
60.
回归后的香港区议会延续了港英政府时期的功能,但也有一定的发展:特区政府取消市政局、区域市政局,提升了区议会的职能;提高民选议员与委任议员的比例,强化了区议会的代表性;理顺区议会与区管会的关系,扩大了区议会在区域行政计划和地区管理方面的职权。为了推进高度自治新局面,本文主张区议会在发挥咨询和区域事务管理功能的同时,还应该加强反映民意、参与特区管治的功能,为特区政制发展提供合适的后备人才。  相似文献   
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