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For the past 5 years in the United States, there has been an increased emphasis on evidence-based programs, and, in particular, the promotion of experimental designs as the highest standard of evidence. This interest has been fueled by the Federal government's demand for accountability that links budget allocation with program performance. The National Institute of Justice, the research, development and evaluation agency within the Office of Programs in the U.S. Department of Justice is undertaking a number of efforts to improve the quality of evaluation research and address the need for evidence-based programs. These efforts have focused on making improvements upfront in the grant selection process so that well-designed evaluations will be undertaken and in the management and monitoring of ongoing evaluation research grants so that implementation and design issues can be identified and addressed. Evaluability assessments is a key strategy that NIJ is relying on increasingly to identify programs that have a high likelihood of being successfully evaluated. Whether these efforts will lead to an overall increase in the rigor of NIJ-supported evaluations remains unanswered at this time. The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of The National Academies or the National Institute of Justice.  相似文献   
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朴钟锦 《当代韩国》2012,3(3):48-59
中韩两国关系自建交以来在许多方面取得了飞速发展,但近些年,两国关系由“暖”变“冷”,原因是多方面的,其中韩国人对中国形象的负面认知,产生了很.大的负面影响。对此,我们不能视而不见或避而不谈,而应积极加强对韩公共外交,促进两国友好关系顺利发展。韩国是中国的重要邻国,中韩两国关系良好发展的意义不仅局限在两国关系上,它对于改善东北亚地区的安全局势也具有不可忽视的作用。本文主要就韩国人对中国形象的负面认知及其对中韩关系所起的负面影响作用以及应对之策,做简要分析和探讨。  相似文献   
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《Japan Forum》2012,24(2):169-181
The rise of nationalisms in Japan and China in the 1980s and 1990s aroused much interest in Western, Chinese and Japanese academic and journalistic circles and prompted some analysts to speculate about potential conflict between China and Japan. This article questions such arguments by examining nationalisms in China and Japan in the 1980s and 1990s. It identifies similar trends in the resurgence of state nationalism and cultural nationalism in both countries, and argues that, although élites in both countries were active in promoting patriotism in the 1980s and 1990s, their efforts had limited impact, whereas cultural nationalism, on the other hand, managed to capture the popular mood. The article suggests that, nonetheless, because both types of nationalism were predominantly inward-oriented responses to domestic and external changes, relations between China and Japan remained relatively stable.  相似文献   
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《Japan Forum》2012,24(2):145-158
This article deals with the characterization of the unique figure of Lady Kaede in Kurosawa's film Ran from within Japanese cultural syncretism, through using different verbal and visual elements of two animals - fox and serpent. The Japanese fox has always played a most important part in Japanese culture, and its ambivalent nature has become a leitmotiv, especially its supernatural power to transform itself into a human being. In contrast, the most important manifestation of the serpent in Japanese traditional theatre is that of the transformation of a human female into a serpent as a consequence of her jealousy. In the second half of Ran , Kurosawa skilfully interweaves both traditions, attributing them to Kaede after her husband's murder. He attires this character with two kinds of serpent-like costume, planned to reflect intensification of the serpent image through the different fabric designs and their different manipulation according to the dramatic context. Within this fixed visual image Kurosawa conceals the serpent-like costume with an outer kimono and then inserts a verbal fox image. Only in the last scene of the character's appearance in the film does Kurosawa combine and expressly manifest, verbally and visually, both animals' aspects.  相似文献   
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《Japan Forum》2012,24(2):191-209
This article looks at animation in conjunction with jun'eigageki undo , the Pure Film Movement, that challenged the popularity of mainstream commercial shinpa film and period drama film to advocate the birth of 'Japanese cinema' in Taisho Japan. This means a return to an historical moment when the cinema was being discursively constructed as an object of knowledge in Japan. At that time, animation was not defined as distinct from cinema in terms of social regulations or production concerns. As a result, animation was largely treated in the same way as cinema, and was shaped together with it under similar conditions. Animation, together with cinema, came under the scrutiny of public educators, censors and national ideologues - at the same time that film reformers were arguing for effective uses of camera and narrative in cinema. The point of intersection for these diverse concerns was the construction of a national cinema for international dissemination. Cinema in Japan emerged as national cinema, formed by specific discourses on 'Japan' and on 'cinema'. Animation in Japan was inseparable from this 'Japanese cinema'. Thus, by exploring animation in conjunction with the construction of cinema in Taisho Japan, this article examines what it means to talk about something like anime or 'Japanimation' in the present.  相似文献   
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《Japan Forum》2012,24(1):112-133
Abstract

This article presents an examination of Japan's epoch-making health-insurance reforms undertaken during the Asia-Pacific War between 1937 and 1945. These reforms culminated in amendments to the Health Insurance Law and the National Health Insurance Law in 1942, along with the enactment of the National Medical Treatment Law. The issues addressed in this article are, firstly, the kind of reforms of Japan's health-insurance programs that took place during this period, and secondly, the historical significance of these reforms. Focusing on three elements of the wartime health-insurance reforms – expansion of the number of insured people, transformation of payment system to physicians and provision of easy access to medical institutions – this article examines the following hypothesis: Japanese Health Insurance, established in 1922, which primarily aimed at maintaining and restoring workers’ health and physical work capability, and providing them with economic assistance during those times when they suffered from sickness or injury, was qualitatively transformed to quasi-public-assistance programs with financial dependence on the state during wartime, which established an institutional setting that contributed to the rise of health-insurance expenditure in the post-war era.  相似文献   
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Abstract

Stretching a third of the way around the globe, the Asia Pacific is the world's most populous region. Yet, it remains the sole region without a human rights court or commission, and without a human rights treaty. The notable absence there of a human rights mechanism based on such institutions is often explained away by reference to the region's size and heterogeneity, the constituent states’ reluctance to interfere in the affairs of others, and the existence of rivalries. Whilst agreeing that there is no inter-governmental initiative that looks set to change the present state of affairs in the Asia Pacific, this article places the spotlight on another model of creating a regional human rights mechanism, that is, the unique and burgeoning Asia Pacific Forum of National Human Rights Institutions. Specifically, it assesses the prospects for Japan, Taiwan and China – three key regional players whose membership of the Forum is still outstanding – to create domestic human rights bodies that eventually join.  相似文献   
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