中德《反不正当竞争法》比较——兼谈对我国《反不正当竞争法》完善的启示

2004年7月8日,德国新的《反不正当竞争法》开始实施。对中德两部《反不正当竞争法》立法保护目的、不正当行为的定义、不正当行为的具体规定以及法律责任四个方面进行比较,从而反思我国《反不正当竞争法》存在的缺陷与不足,进一步探析德国这部新法对完善我国《不正当竞争法》的启示。     

论法治视野下刑罚权适用的理性限制

刑罚权作为一种公权力带有扩张性,它的恣意适用会引起不良的社会后果。无论是从社会正义和人权保障,还是司法成本的高消耗性上法治社会都要求对其进行理性的限制.在理性限制的过程中必须坚守宪法精神的指导、罪刑法定原则和刑法谦抑性原则,接受宽严相济刑事政策的制肘。     

关于中国反垄断立法的几点思考

中国反垄断立法进程缓慢源于思想认识、行政垄断、行业和政府的阻力。对垄断和不正＂-5竞争分别立法适合我国国情;设立多元化的反垄断执法机构有利于节省行政资源;如何设立地方反垄断执法机构对规制行政垄断起着重要作用。     

广西实施民族区域自治法的思考

新时期,广西实施《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》必须突破传统的争取民族自治权、建立自治区经济体系的狭隘观念．转移到健康、有序、高效地实施北部湾经济区发展规划,努力建立健全旨在全面加快自治区城镇化、工业化、国际化、现代化发展的法律制度和管理机制的战略高度上来．使广西真正成为推动中国-东盟一体化发展的国际舞台。     

Maple Leaf Zeitgeist? Assessing Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Policy Changes*

In the October 2015 elections, the charismatic Justin Trudeau led the Canadian Liberal Party to its first majority government in 15 years, overturning nearly a decade of conservative government. His premiership is generally considered to have begun well. This article examines Trudeau’s conduct of the election campaign, his choice of a young and diverse Cabinet, his courtship of the media and image making, and assesses changes in foreign and domestic policy. These have yet to prove substantive but Trudeau has signalled a reversal of Stephen Harper’s conservative policies and especially in regard to migration has tapped into images of ‘compassionate Canadians’. In foreign policy, this has been evidenced in relations with the United States and with a re-engagement with the Commonwealth especially in its soft power aspects. Trudeau’s green credentials and stance on Climate Change are a contrast to those of his predecessor but he has yet to confront the different environmental profiles and policies of the Canadian states. Canada’s Strategic Partnership with the European Community and the ratification of CETA are priorities and he has to come to terms with the implications of Brexit.     

China in Pacific Regional Politics

Abstract

Foreign aid from China to the island countries of the Pacific has grown rapidly over the last few decades and an expanding body of literature has examined various aspects of what this means for politics in the region generally. This article focuses on China’s impact on Pacific regional politics partly from the perspective of identity politics. It suggests that China has substantially increased its engagement with the Pacific island states by making use of its own identity as a South–South development partner in contrast to traditional (mainly Western) donors in the region. Unlike most traditional donors, however, China’s diplomacy and engagement are based largely on bilateralism, and this is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. This approach could continue to limit its impact on Pacific regionalism, regardless of how it projects its image.     

The rise and fall of “Novorossiya”: examining support for a separatist geopolitical imaginary in southeast Ukraine

In the spring of 2014, some anti-Maidan protestors in southeast Ukraine, in alliance with activists from Russia, agitated for the creation of a large separatist entity on Ukrainian territory. These efforts sought to revive a historic region called Novorossiya (“New Russia”) on the northern shores of the Black Sea that was created by Russian imperial colonizers. In public remarks, Vladimir Putin cited Novorossiya as a historic and contemporary home of a two-part interest group, ethnic Russian and Russian-speaking Ukrainians, supposedly under threat in Ukraine. Anti-Maidan agitation in Ukraine gave way to outright secession in April 2014, as armed rebel groups established the Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhans’k People’s Republic on parts of the eponymous Ukrainian oblasts. Rebel leaders aspired to create a renewed Novorossiya that incorporated all of eastern and southern Ukraine from Kharkiv to Odesa oblasts. To examine the level of support for this secessionist imaginary in the targeted oblasts, our large scientific poll in December 2014 revealed the Novorossiya project had minority support, between 20 and 25% of the population. About half of the sample believed that the concept of Novorossiya was a “historical myth” and that its resuscitation and promotion was the result of “Russian political technologies.” Analysis of the responses by socio-demographic categories indicated that for ethnic Russians, residents of the oblasts of Kharkiv and Odesa, for older and poorer residents, and especially for those who retain a nostalgic positive opinion about the Soviet Union, the motivations and aims of the Novorossiya project had significant support.     

环境权力与权利的重构——论民法与环境法的沟通和协调

市场经济的中国需要符合市场机制的环境法 ,环境权力与环境权利的重构因此而获得了理论与现实的意义 ,环境保护需要政府与市场的共同作用 ,需要将国家环境权力与公民环境权利相结合的环境法律制度 ,需要民法与环境法的沟通和协调     

第三人欺诈与民事行为效力瑕疵--来自比较法角度的观察与评析

能够成为民事行为效力瑕疵的第三人欺诈将导致民事行为无效或者被撤销。就这种欺诈而言,法国法认为其不能够成为民事行为效力瑕疵;德国法认为其在对方当事人知道或应当知道其存在的情形下即能够成为民事行为效力瑕疵;意大利法则认为其无论对方当事人是否知道其存在均能够成为民事行为效力瑕疵。我国法对此问题的看法在实际上相同于意大利法,但有关立法中的不合理因素应当予以克服。     

法学教育与法治启蒙

法治并不仅仅是一种制度,也是一种信念和生活方式。因此,推行法治不仅要进行法律移植和制度完善,更重要的是要进行法治启蒙。但由于多种因素的影响,我国法学教育的法治启蒙功能却未能有效发挥出来,制约了法治秩序的真正建立。为此,我们必须进行深度的法学教育改革,充分发挥法学教育的法治启蒙功能,推进法治国家的早日形成。