Consociationalism and its critics: Evidence from the historic Northern Ireland Assembly election 2007

Critics of consociational power-sharing institutional arrangements in deeply divided societies argue that such arrangements solidify the underlying conflict cleavage and render it all-important for party competition and voter behaviour. I find evidence to the contrary in the case of voter behaviour at the historic 2007 Assembly election in Northern Ireland. At least in the unionist bloc, I find the effective disappearance of the ethno-national conflict cleavage as a determinant of voter choice. This suggests that consociational arrangements have led to both inclusion and moderation, rather than polarisation and ‘ethnic outbidding’.     

Does Moderation Pay in a Consociational Democracy? The Marginalisation of the SDLP in the North of Ireland

A central question in the debate between “centripetalists” and “consociationalists” concerns whether power‐sharing arrangements provide incentives for moderation. This article helps to formulate an empirical answer through an examination of the electoral decline of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) following the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in the North of Ireland. Drawing on primary qualitative interviews with key players, this article argues that the SDLP were electoral losers under a system of ethnic out‐flanking. Sinn Féin has successfully presented itself as the “greener” and more robust representative of nationalist interests, whilst simultaneously moderating its message and operating the institutions of Northern Ireland. Sinn Féin has taken ownership of the GFA and has positioned itself as the party best able to ensure its delivery. Sinn Féin’s rights‐based agenda, and vibrant electoral machine, has resonated with the nationalist electorate who are less sure of what the contemporary SDLP stands for.     

Just the Two of Us? Civil Conflicts,Pro-State Militants,and the Violence Premium

Quantitative literature discussing violence in civil conflicts tends towards a typical model of engagement between governments and revolutionaries. Whilst recent work has shown the significant impact of multiple anti-government groups, a further feature remains understudied—the role of pro-state militants. This article theorizes a “violence premium” when such groups arise, which leads to all connected groups devoting greater energy to conflict than they would in isolation. Employing duration analysis and data from The Troubles in Northern Ireland, where Republicans act as revolutionary insurgents, Loyalists as pro-state militants, and the British Army as government forces, the violence premium is empirically confirmed. Both Loyalists and Republicans deviate from their underlying strategies to attack more frequently when violence by their rivals increases, with Republicans and the British Army engaging in the same way. An extended analysis, accounting for the status of the victim, shows that the violence premium resulting from interaction between Loyalists and Republicans targeted only the civilian population of Northern Ireland, elucidating the sectarian component of The Troubles. These results show that including all conflict parties and considering how they are linked are important features in studies that aim to determine the net level of violence in civil conflicts.     

Victims of Terrorism and Political Violence: Identity,Needs, and Service Delivery in Northern Ireland and Great Britain

Terrorism and political violence exist fundamentally as communicative acts; inherently the acts themselves serve to inspire anxiety and fear. As the recipients of such a communicative act, victims of terrorism and political violence serve as the vehicle for the dissemination of these communications to both the intended and broader audiences. Their victimising experience is thus a complex interplay between a profound personal trauma and the political/communicative dimension of the attack. Given this complexity, this article addresses how victims’ needs are understood by victims of terrorism and political violence in both Northern Ireland (NI) and Great Britain (GB). Through engagement with practitioners, victims, survivors, and community activists, this article conceptualises the existing perceptions amongst these different groups regarding needs, the delivery of services to victims in NI and GB, and examines the origins of the different approaches. Results demonstrate that victims’ needs are highly context-dependent at a public level, but relate heavily to the experiences of other victims of terrorism and political violence at a private level.     

试论魏晋南北朝再婚问题

魏晋南北朝时期寡居女性有的受传统封建礼教的束缚和熏陶而不愿再婚,有的受先秦两汉以来寡妇再婚以及北朝少数民族婚姻开放风气的影响而再婚.由于受门阀等级内婚制约,再婚双方都较为重视对方门第.男姓再婚虽然在礼法方面有许多限制,但在实际生活中礼法限制则形同虚设,但也有受传统礼教观念影响较深的男子终身不再娶.     

安徽省太湖县药用蕨类资源调查

目的 探明安徽省太湖县境内药用蕨类植物的生态分布特征与资源利用状况。方法 通过设计样线调查、样地样方野外实地调查和走访调查,记录蕨类植物分布的全球定位系统位点及生态环境,采集蕨类植物标本,对其区系类型进行分析。结果 太湖县蕨类植物有61种,隶属23科,36属,集中分布于海拔400～1 100 m区域,具有明显热带性质和丰富的温带成分。结论 安徽省太湖县野生蕨类植物分布于山区,资源较为丰富,值得合理利用。     

习仲勋的群众观在广东改革中的实践及其启示

1978年至1980年是党探索中国特色社会主义道路的重要转折时期。在此期间,习仲勋以巨大勇气带领人民投身于广东改革事业。工作中,习仲勋深入群众,调查实际情况,研究改革对策;发扬民主,虚心向群众学习,接受改革建议;发动群众,勇于改革,创造性地开展工作;依靠群众,服务群众,完善改革措施;统筹兼顾,协调发展,综合平衡群众不同的利益诉求。习仲勋的群众观在广东省改革过程中的实践及其经验,对当今中国的改革事业是一笔宝贵的精神财富,很好地加以总结与借鉴,有利于攻坚克难,深化与推进改革进程,早日实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。     

浅议云南省农村饮水安全问题

近年来,随着社会经济的快速发展,加快了解决农村饮水安全问题的步伐。但是,要根本解决问题,改善农村饮水状况,仍需扎实推进农村饮水工作。结合云南省实际,分析影响农村饮水安全的问题,提出了解决的对策和建议,以期对全省解决农村饮水安全问题提供借鉴。     

安徽监狱创新警务运行模式的实践探索

在传统警务运行模式下,民警警力紧张,身心疲惫,存在指挥权分散、指挥层次多、指挥效率低、智能化程度低等问题,安全工作质量低、效率低。针对这些问题,安徽监狱积极推进警务运行模式创新,通过顶层设计、流程再造、职能重构,把保障监狱场所安全、维持狱内秩序稳定等职能剥离出来,交给指挥中心专职行使,打造流程集约化、信息集成化、结构扁平化、联动一体化的警务指挥体系,建立省局、监狱、监区三级警戒联动,罪犯生产、生活、学习三大现场联控,监狱、武警、公安三方联防,进而实现"监狱长期安全稳定、警务执法科学文明、警力效能充分发挥"的目标。     

近代陕北的边客及其社会影响

近代陕北地区的边客,是基于陕蒙民众的供需格局,在私市贸易逐步发展的基础上,通过交易日常用品并以此获取利润而形成的个体小商贩。以物易物、钱物交易及固定之会是其基本的运作方式。陕北边客群体的长期边贸生涯,不仅改变了自身生活状况与生活方式,而且在一定程度上也改变了蒙民的经济生活与经济观念,产生了广泛的社会影响。