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61.
人类学视野下的汉族民间巫术研究——以宁夏南部汉族的“送病消灾”巫术为例 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
刘有安 《江南社会学院学报》2008,10(4):77-80
巫术作为民间信仰的一个重要组成部分,在我国的一些乡村社会中仍然普遍存在,并且影响着人们的日常生活、价值观念和思维方式。普遍存在于宁夏南部乡村社会的“送病消灾”就是如此,它是当地乡村文化的主要组成部分。以人类学的研究视角来看,这种民间巫术是人鬼之间、人神之间沟通的主要渠道,具有深刻的文化内涵。 相似文献
62.
Jeffrey Harwood John Phillimore Alan Fenna 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2010,69(1):34-46
Just over a decade since the failed referendum of 1998, statehood for the Northern Territory (NT) is back on the political agenda. The achievement of statehood would be a first for Australian federalism, where no new state has been created or admitted since Federation. Following a discussion of the concept of statehood and how it might be achieved, it traces the political development of the NT. The article then examines the implications of NT statehood for the Australian federation and finds that statehood would facilitate constitutional change in the federation by lowering the threshold required for success in a national referendum. Statehood may also raise questions about the equal representation in the Senate of less populous states. However, statehood would have no effect upon financial arrangements with the Commonwealth, the standing of the Northern Territory at COAG meetings, or the legal standing of the other states. 相似文献
63.
张淑琴 《山东行政学院学报》2005,(4):1-3
改革开放以来,山东省农业和农村经济取得了长足发展。但是由于长期形成的城乡二元结构格局的影响,城乡经济社会发展差距仍比较大。解决“三农”问题,必须树立和落实科学发展观,统筹城乡发展,充分发挥城市对农村的辐射和带动作用、工业对农业的支持和反哺作用,促进城乡经济良性互动、共同发展。 相似文献
64.
Since the 2016 Brexit referendum a series of crises has gripped Northern Ireland's politics. This has had a destabilising effect across society, which has arguably been felt most acutely by political unionism. The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (B/GFA) of 1998 created a series of institutions to deal with political conflict in Northern Ireland, manage cross-border cooperation and normalise relations between the UK and Ireland. However, many aspects of it have been sparingly and ineffectually deployed, most notably the second and third strands dealing with north/south and east/west relations respectively. In this article, the authors argue that regular use of the institutional arrangements created by the Agreement would help to deal with the challenges currently facing Northern Ireland and help address unionist anxieties over the Protocol. Use of the North-South Ministerial Council (NSMC), the British Irish Council (BIC) and the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference (BIIGC) should be prioritised. The unresolved issues arising from Brexit require a recommitment to the intergovernmental logic at the heart of the 1998 Agreement, despite the obstacles. 相似文献
65.
Lisa Claire Whitten 《The Political quarterly》2023,94(1):122-132
Under Strand Three of the 1998 Belfast ‘Good Friday’ Agreement, institutions were set up to promote the ‘harmonious and mutually beneficial development’ of the ‘totality of relationships’ between the peoples and governments of Ireland and the UK, including its devolved administrations and Crown Dependencies. According to the text of the 1998 Agreement this ‘east-west’ dimension was to have two elements with corresponding institutions: an intergovernmental one reflected in the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference (BIIC) and an interjurisdictional one reflected in the British-Irish Council (BIC). These Strand Three institutions were designed to provide fora for, respectively, intergovernmental cooperation on ‘non-devolved Northern Ireland matters’ in the case of the BIIC and information exchange and cooperation ‘on matters of mutual interest within the competence of the relevant Administrations’ in the case of the BIC. Nowhere in the 1998 Agreement text is the concept of ‘east-west’ used to refer to relations between Northern Ireland and Great Britain. Yet, in the wake of Brexit, and in the midst of controversy over the implications of the Protocol on Ireland / Northern Ireland, relations between Great Britain and Northern Ireland (GB–NI) have been newly framed as ‘east-west’. The creation of this new discursive face of ‘east-west’ relations marks an important, but little discussed, impact of Brexit on the political and constitutional landscape of the UK and Ireland. Against this backdrop, this article considers the impacts of Brexit, and the Protocol, on three faces of ‘east-west’ relations—the BIIC, the BIC and, newly, GB–NI—and discusses their implications for the future of Strand 3 institutions and the ‘totality of relationships’ they represent. 相似文献
66.
67.
黑龙江省地处东北地区北部,位于东北亚地区的中心地带,具有参与和推动东北亚经济合作的良好区位优势。与俄罗斯边境线长达3045公里,拥有25个国家级开放口岸,可辐射俄罗斯远东及东北亚地区,在发展对俄罗斯地缘经济联系上前景广阔。目前,黑龙江省与俄罗斯在相互投资方面存在大型投资项目少、投资规模小、对双边贸易的带动作用不大等主要问题,在外贸信贷、保险、结算和仲裁、信息领域的合作水平不高,使双方经贸合作难以突破。应指出的是,双方贸易发展潜力很大。 相似文献
68.
南朝法制继承了晋律令的内容和体例,但从刘宋时起即开始形成一些新规定。梁、陈二代都制定了律令法典;梁律令在法典编纂体例方面有重要创新,特别是对《晋令》篇目的删修,开后世令典30篇(卷)体例之先河;梁、陈在重要法律制度上亦有许多创新。南朝法制对北周、隋、唐有深刻影响,是隋唐法制的主要渊源之一,在编纂体例和重要制度创新、文明程度及对后世的影响上均不在北朝之下,学界流行的“南北朝诸律,北优于南”说与历史事实不符,不能成立。 相似文献
69.
唐正繁 《贵阳市委党校学报》2011,(2):10-13
贵州制度创新滞后,成为实施工业强省战略的制度约束,因而亟待在行政管理体制方面进行创新,其主要目标是建立公共服务体制。为保证地方政府制度创新顺利推进和整体效能,还应在制度规划和创新方式上注意三个问题:正式制度创新与非正式制度创新并重;核心制度创新与配套制度创新相结合;自创式制度创新与借鉴式制度创新兼顾。 相似文献
70.
钟其 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2011,4(4):119-125
社会稳定是社会发展进步的前提和基础。本报告根据浙江省的调查,对当前社会稳定情况进行了分析,认为群众对当前社会稳定情况的评价相对较高,对未来社会稳定发展的预期也比较乐观。同时,群众对威胁社会稳定的一些典型性行为的支持度有明显区别,呈现喜忧参半的现象。此外,群众认为官员腐败、贫富分化与社会治安是当前影响社会稳定的三大因素。在此基础上,本报告提出了若干建议,以期进一步促进社会稳定和谐。 相似文献