“四帮四促”与保持党的纯洁性——以中共贵州省委党校为例

本文以"四帮四促"活动为切入点,围绕"保持党的纯洁性"主题,探究开展"四帮四促"活动与"保持党的纯洁性"之间的内在逻辑联系,分析"四帮四促"活动对于保持党员干部思想纯洁、队伍纯洁、作风纯洁、廉洁从政等方面的重要促进作用,探寻保持党的纯洁性的合理路径。     

十六大以来中共党员理想信念教育研究

中国共产党党员是中国工人阶级的有共产主义觉悟的先锋战士,他们的理想信念是否坚定直接关系到社会主义事业的发展。从党员理想信念教育的重要意义出发,对十六大以来党员理想信念教育的实践探索进行了梳理,进而总结了这一时期党开展理想信念教育的主要经验。     

评析《公司法》第72条——从股东同意权、优先购买权和异议股东购买义务关系的角度

近《公司法》第72条对有限责任公司股权的对外转让做出了规定,设计了股东同意权、优先购买权和异议股东购买义务3项制度,但是这3项制度之间存在功能的重叠。比较其他国家和地区的立法,或对股权对外转让采取自由主义原则,或只规定3项制度的1种或者2种。有必要对《公司法》第72条进行修改,单独规定股东优先购买权是比较好的方案。     

机遇与挑战：羁押必要性审查制度研究

羁押在我国并非属于一种独立的强制措施,而是专指有关机关对犯罪嫌疑人（被告人）在法庭确定其有罪之前暂时剥夺其人身自由的措施。2012年刑事诉讼法（修正案）构建了相对独立的羁押必要性审查制度,从羁押必要性审查制度的建构背景看,该制度是人权保障价值的重要体现,也是我国检察监督理论制度的创新发展。然而由于我国法治发展的阶段性特征,羁押必要性审查制度在实践中可能面临着社会秩序需求、司法效率价值等多种阻碍因素,对此应该予以重视,并应进一步改革和完善。     

新时期警察类职业院校学生管理工作方法与创新

随着高职教育改革步伐的进一步加快,警察类职业院校学生管理工作中传统的管理理念、管理方式和管理体制已越来越难以适应形势发展的需要。积极探索适应时代要求的学生管理工作模式,尝试使用柔性管理法、5S管理法、PDCA循环管理法以及SWOT分析法等现代管理方法,切实提高警察类职业院校学生管理工作质量。     

雷锋精神的当代传播——以丽水职业技术学院为例

丽水职业技术学院以“爱的教育”为载体,探讨怎样用学雷锋常态化培育和实践社会主义核心价值观,将学习雷锋精神与校园文化建设相融合,实现学雷锋活动“校为基地,四化联动,五方助力”的常态化机制化,取得精神文明和物质文明,立德育人和服务社会的“双丰收”。     

Labour supply and wages among nuclear and extended households: The Surinamese experiment

This article explores labour market behaviour of members of extended and nuclear households in Suriname. Previous analyses have found that co‐operative childcare opportunities within the extended household increase female labour force participation. Such coordination implies correlated participation decisions, which invalidates standard assumptions made in estimating participation with probits and wages with regressions. We employ a GMM estimation, which allows correlation among household members. We find that extended and nuclear household members are not significantly different in participation propensities, but do differ significantly in wages. We argue that greater home production opportunities in extended households dilute labour market effort and hours, reducing earnings.     

Filling the Moral Void: The Christian Right in Singapore

In March 2009 a group of Anglican Pentecostal women took over the Association of Women for Action and Research, a secular women's rights group in Singapore. This sparked an intense month-long public debate over a variety of issues which included the increasing aggression of the “Christian Right,” the secular nature of public space in Singapore, sex education and tolerance for gay communities, culminating in state intervention. While conventional sociological studies have suggested a variety of explanations for the growing presence of Pentecostal Christians in the public sphere, such as religious stratification or their links to party politics, few have examined it within the framework of nation-building. This paper seeks to understand the recent emergence of the “Christian Right” and its exposition on various moral issues within a historical context – a context from which the People's Action Party government successfully arose, in part, due to its self-construction as a moral state, and argues that the post-industrial challenges of globalisation have forced the government to be less morally conservative, resulting in a perceived moral vacuum which certain segments of Pentecostal Christians have felt compelled to fill.     

Les populaires et le parlement italien (1919–24)

ABSTRACT

On 18 January 1919, Luigi Sturzo (Caltagirone 1871–Rome 1959), the Italian priest and politician, a Fascist dissident and fervent Europeanist, founded the Italian Popular Party (PPI) by pronouncing his Appello ai liberi e forti. The new PPI marked the entrance of Catholics to the political life of the country. Indeed, after the unification of Italy, Catholics had not been able to vote in political elections due to a provision issued by Pope Pius IX in 1874, the so-called non expedit, which had forbidden them from participating in the political elections of the kingdom of Italy. In the elections of 16 November 1919 – after the reform that led to the transition from the uninominal electoral system to the proportional electoral system and the extension of the right to vote to all 21-year old male citizens – the PPI secured 20.5 per cent of the votes. One hundred PPI candidates were elected, proving to be an indispensable force for the institution of any new government. The serious economic difficulties and the social contrasts, caused in large part by the First World War and by an institutional system unable to cope with the crisis, would have subsequently led to the establishment of the fascist regime. PPI members elected in 1919 were active in implementing institutional reforms that attempted to bring parliamentary representation to the real life of the country. This was to be achieved in the following ways: by renewing the apparatus of political representation, that is safeguarding the role of parliament as the central organ of a democratic system; by transforming the old constitutional model of cabinet government, with prime ministers appointed by the crown and chosen by parliamentary hybrid majorities, into a new parliamentary government based on the trust of majorities formed by parties with common programmes.     

Television and attitudes toward foreign countries: A report on a survey of Scandinavian children

Children of all ages are more likely to use electronic sources of information such as television and radio-than they are print sources-such as newspapers and magazines-according to a variety of studies. This study examines whether this tendency continues if the children are forced by their primary and secondary school teachers to use multiple news sources-of their own choice-to follow an election campaign. Based on responses from an extraordinarily large sample of 24,348 children, this study focuses on media use by participants in the Kids Voting USA civics education program. Study results demonstrate that even when seeking campaign information in 1994, a non-presidential election year when the emphasis was more on state and local races, children overwhelmingly preferred television and radio as sources of information. Newspaper usage trailed both electronic forms even when a child's family subscribed to a paper. The study found no significant difference between White and non-White children in their choices and uses of information sources. The large sample size also allowed for a detailed look at often neglected subgroups such as Native American children (n = 1,114) and Asian-American children (n = 768).