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281.
Abstract This study aims to explore parents’ lived experiences of receiving child neglect allegations and how they make sense of these experiences. The sample consists of parents who participated in a family preservation program following allegations of child neglect. Semi-structured interviews were conducted and analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). The findings suggest that parents resist neglect allegations, both by denial and minimization, partly due to their lack of clear understanding of what constitutes child neglect. Further, parents in this study tended to be reactive to meanings ascribed to the label of child neglect rather than the allegations per se. They seemed to experience internal conflict between their positive evaluations of their own parenting and what their neglect allegations might imply about their parenting. Parents also experienced emotional distress, such as concern about social stigma and fear of losing their parental rights, as they tried to make sense of their current situations. Suggested implications for practice include exploring parents’ subjective understanding of their allegations and considering their unique familial and sociocultural contexts from the outset of their involvement with child protective services (CPS) in order to build a collaborative working alliance. 相似文献
282.
ABSTRACTThis paper examines the Commonwealth’s inclusive role in engaging with the distinctive challenges of education provision in small states, an agenda that is often neglected elsewhere. We examine the origins of Commonwealth work on education in small states, the nature of its comparative advantage, its role in facilitating small states’ engagement with international education dialogue and regional co-operation, and the demand and potential for ongoing Commonwealth support for education. Particular attention is given to experience within the Caribbean region and to the potential for the Commonwealth and the wider international community to learn from small states in the light of their distinctive educational challenges, achievements and priorities – and, most notably, their experience at the ‘sharp end’ of environmental uncertainty and climate change. 相似文献
283.
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):79-98
ABSTRACTSince roughly 2011, the Turkish state and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have been going through a process of mutual transformation. Some of the historical apprehensions, biases and frustrations exhibited by Turkey as a middle power have been absorbed by the relatively reformist AKP. Conversely, the AKP and its undisputed leader Erdo?an have seen their socio-political fears, power based conflicts and ethno-religious desires become dominant in all areas, including religion. As a consequence of this bilateral transformation, Turkey has become both an inclusionary and a hegemonic-authoritarian state, and at the same time a weak one. Within this new identity and structure of the state, Sunni Islam has become one of the regime’s key focal points, with a new logic. This article seeks to explain the transformation of the relations between the AKP’s Turkish state, religion and religious groups, by scrutinising Karrie Koesel’s logic of state-religion interaction in authoritarian regimes. 相似文献
284.
Nil Mutluer 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):99-118
ABSTRACTThis article argues that in the AKP era, gender and sexuality play a central role in reshaping the secular-religious divide to instil ‘yeni milli’ (new national) – or as AKP members call it, ‘yerli ve milli’ (homegrown and national)- values. Adopting a feminist and reflexive approach, this article seeks to demonstrate that Erdo?an and the AKP have used gender and sexuality-related issue areas not as diversions to highjack the public agenda, as it is often assumed, but as a medium to regulate the neoliberal redistribution of conservative values. After a brief presentation of the historical background of the gendered evolution of the secular-religious divide in Turkish politics, this article focuses on the following three particular cases: the policies and discourse on LGBTI rights; the link that was established between the reproductive rights of women and ethnic identity; and how the AKP created new types of ‘other men’ and ‘other women.’ The article also seeks to show that in each case the meanings attributed to the secular and the religious in the secular-religious divide have shifted accordingly and that shift was reflective of, and was used to instil the particular set of values supportive of particular political positions. 相似文献
285.
战后初期,华菲冲突剧烈,为改善华菲关系,华社积极为主流社会提供各种公益性服务,其中,商总发起与承担的"捐建农村校舍运动"成效最为卓著.经过40多年的努力,这一工作已取得了很大成就,在华社及主流社会都获得了很高的声誉,为华社创造了丰富的社会资本,对华菲融合起到了积极的促进作用. 相似文献
286.
公安大练兵活动应正确处理好"应试练"与"应战练"的关系,"练文功"与"练武功"的关系,"强化练"与"兴趣练"的关系,"科学练"与"简单练"的关系,"练中战"与"战中练"的关系,"集中练"与"持续练"的关系。 相似文献
287.
刘召刚 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2004,(6):35-37
2004年7月,公安部发布了《公安机关适用继续盘问规定》。适用范围缩小、三类人不得进候问室,明确限定持续的时间、妥善安置弱势者家属、致人死亡三级问责制和严格候问室设置管理等内容都是其中的亮点,人民警察需要认真学习和理解,规范执法行为。 相似文献
288.
薛世杰 《山西警官高等专科学校学报》2004,12(4):8-11
公安信息系统是以公安专用计算机网络为依托 ,以应用系统支持平台为支撑 ,以公安业务工作信息共享为目标的。目前我国公安机关在信息系统建设中还存在不少问题 ,解决的方法是需建立高速、稳定、安全的宽带计算机网络 ,建设集中的大型数据库信息中心和集中控制的“单一平台”系统 相似文献
289.
“新公共服务”,公共管理的未来趋向 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
新公共管理与旧公共行政相比,有其显著的进步性,因为它打破了公共行政一直由僵化的、等级制的官僚组织形式所支配的局面.尽管新公共管理仍然是当今行政改革的主流思想体系,但实践已经证明了它的局限性.从公共管理的发展趋势看,"新公共服务"将是一种新型公共管理模式,因为它具有不同于旧公共行政和新公共管理的特征. 相似文献
290.
Trade Measures and Climate Compliance: Institutional Interplay Between WTO and the Marrakesh Accords
Olav?Schram stokkeEmail author 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2004,4(4):339-357
This article examines the potential of trade measures to induce more climate-friendly policies, focusing on the relationship between global trade rules and the Kyoto climate regime. At the core of this interplay is the normative consistency of trade-related rules in the two regimes and any hierarchical relationship between them. The stronger clout of the WTO and its compulsory dispute settlement system suggest that issues involving competing claims would be referred to WTO bodies. Such bodies have so far been restrictive regarding the exceptions in WTO agreements to the general ban on embargoes and discrimination. The normative compatibility of the two regimes will also depend on their participatory interplay, specifically how they differentiate groups of actors as to rights and obligations. Non-members of WTO receive the least protection, and their vulnerability to climate-related trade measures is largely determined by their interdependence with states that consider employment of such measures. Among WTO members, the findings of a dispute settlement body would presumably differ depending on the status of the target under the Kyoto Protocol. A non-complier with Kyoto commitments would be more shielded than a non-party, because by joining the Kyoto regime a non-complier has exposed itself to regime-internal and less trade intrusive measures that should be exhausted first. A third dimension of interplay is linkage, or efforts to influence the regime interplay. To date there has only been moderate cross-agency coordination, but considerable attention is paid within each regime, including in the Millennium Round of trade negotiations, to the desirability of avoiding conflict between them. 相似文献