全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1049篇 |
免费 | 25篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 40篇 |
工人农民 | 20篇 |
世界政治 | 31篇 |
外交国际关系 | 85篇 |
法律 | 106篇 |
中国共产党 | 15篇 |
中国政治 | 73篇 |
政治理论 | 77篇 |
综合类 | 627篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 7篇 |
2022年 | 9篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 20篇 |
2019年 | 25篇 |
2018年 | 17篇 |
2017年 | 14篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 24篇 |
2014年 | 64篇 |
2013年 | 92篇 |
2012年 | 54篇 |
2011年 | 71篇 |
2010年 | 78篇 |
2009年 | 77篇 |
2008年 | 79篇 |
2007年 | 68篇 |
2006年 | 90篇 |
2005年 | 61篇 |
2004年 | 47篇 |
2003年 | 42篇 |
2002年 | 38篇 |
2001年 | 51篇 |
2000年 | 22篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1074条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
中韩建交以来两国文化教育交流综述 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
中韩文化教育交流是中韩全面合作伙伴关系的重要组成部分。中韩建交15年来,两国的文化教育交流取得了丰硕的成果。两国政府签署了一系列的交流协议,中国出现了"韩流"现象,韩国也掀起了强劲的"汉风",中国的韩国问题研究和韩国语教育发展迅速,韩国的汉学研究和中文教育持续升温,来华韩国留学生和赴韩中国留学生的人数稳居所在国外国留学生之首。两国文化教育交流的快速发展得益于政府的支持、经贸合作的稳步增长以及两国文化的渊源关系。 相似文献
32.
Drew M. Anderson Katharine M. Broton Sara Goldrick-Rab Robert Kelchen 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2020,39(3):720-739
We conduct the first long-term experimental evaluation of a need-based financial aid program, the privately funded Wisconsin Scholars Grant. Over multiple cohorts, the program failed to increase degree completion and graduate school enrollment up to 10 years after matriculation. The program did reduce time-to-degree for some students and modestly increased the number of STEM degrees earned. The lack of robust effects raises important questions about the conditions necessary for financial aid to benefit students. 相似文献
33.
伴随城镇化和老龄化,空间转换过程中流动到大城市的老人在居住环境、经济状况、社会交往、社会参与等方面出现空间排异。年龄、同住人数、居住年限、是否农业户口等人口特征变量以及人均住房面积、个人月收入状况、自评健康状况、自评社会经济地位、社区满意度、邻里交往频率、社区参与情况等因素均显著影响流动老人的生活质量。基于此,建议政府广泛利用多种就业形式促进流动老人的人力资源开发,加快完善统一的社会保障体系提升老人异地养老保障水平,重视城市社区公共文化空间建设,组织开展多样化的社区活动,合理规划城市社区基本公共服务设施,保障并提高流动老人的生活质量。 相似文献
34.
Prior research finds that the emergence of a quality challenger is one of the most important factors predicting whether incumbents will be vulnerable. Reformers in California and Washington envisioned that the top-two primary reform would increase electoral competition by allowing for general election contests that feature two same-party candidates in safe districts. In this research note, I investigate the degree to which these expectations have been fulfilled by looking at the prevalence of quality challengers in U.S. House contests. I compare one-party and two-party general election contests, finding that incumbents are significantly more likely to face a quality challenger from the same party than from the opposite party, all else equal. In contrast, when both states used traditional primaries prior to reform, incumbents were no more likely to face a quality challenger in the primary election than in the general election. Findings reveal a key way in which the top-two primary may fulfill reformers’ expectations and complement our understanding of how electoral institutions condition challenger entry decisions. 相似文献
35.
Thomas T. Holyoke Jeffrey R. Henig Heath Brown Natalie Lacireno-Paquet 《Policy Sciences》2009,42(1):33-55
Baumgartner and Jones (1993) showed how radically new policies emerge on government agendas as a consequence of exogenous shocks to policy subsystems displacing privileged interests. But how do these policies evolve post-punctuation? In this paper, we present three different models of policy change. Policies may revert to the old status quo if displaced interests re-assert themselves, or they may be “locked-in” by new interests now reaping the benefits. Alternatively, they may incrementally change as lawmakers “learn” how to better meet target population needs, particularly by witnessing how other jurisdictions address similar problems. We test these models with data on change in state charter schools laws over time. We find that whether old status quos are overthrow, and the fate of charter policies when they are enacted, is influenced more by competing political interests, especially interest groups, than elite and public perceptions of broad systemic crises. Yet, we also find that changing demands on the state and learning from the successes and failures of neighboring states also play significant roles. 相似文献
36.
本文总结了学校坚持以科学发展观为指导,在专业建设、课程改革、教学科研、实训基地建设、师资队伍建设、校园文化、校企合作等方面所进行的探索和取得的成绩。为今后的学校的建设和发展提供参考。 相似文献
37.
Olamide Oguntoye Martin Geissdoerfer Henry Nuwarinda Steve Evans 《Development in Practice》2019,29(1):115-121
This viewpoint reflects on how to improve the process of introducing facilitated industrial symbiosis programmes (FISPs) to small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in developing countries. Although FISPs are a long-established industrial practice, their formal introduction to SMEs in developing countries has only recently begun, mostly through support from international development agencies. Based partly on anecdotal evidence from Gauteng, South Africa, we identify six key questions which need to be addressed to improve the process of facilitating FISPs. 相似文献
38.
This article explores the potential of using children’s perceptions of distance to reflect a gendered understanding of remoteness. Data collected from 1,549 children in Tanzania concerning their perceptions of remoteness in relation to accessibility of school, health care, and water resources were analysed in reference to their impact on school attendance and performance. Gendered variability in perceived distances to services by children may indicate that remoteness is as much of a social issue as it is a geographic phenomenon, in that girls perceive distance and time between home and destination to be further than boys who travel approximately the same distance. 相似文献
39.
Despite global pressure and national security concerns, the efforts of the Government of Pakistan to reform the madrassah system have proven to be futile. Extant literature on madrassah reform challenges relies overwhelmingly on information provided by governments and experts situated outside of these institutions. While these studies and reports present important findings and viable analysis on madrassah systems; most of the research fails to give voice to the major stakeholders of this system itself, such as the administration staff, teachers, students and parents. Our study fills this crucial gap by conducting semi-structured interviews and field observations inside Pakistani madaris (plural for madrassah) and their professional associations. We find that these madaris have been reluctant to participate in policy interventions offered by the government due to a major trust deficit brought on by differences over financial and curriculum regulation, degree recognition and the government’s role in shaping popular perceptions about madaris. This reluctance has turned down attempts for madrassah reformation and has in turn made them vulnerable to radicalisation. We conclude with policy recommendations for more effective government reforms and a stronger relationship between madrassah representatives and the Government of Pakistan. 相似文献
40.
《Communist and Post》2019,52(3):271-281
The transformation process from an authoritarian/totalitarian system entails many institutional changes, however, the individual citizen is often being overlooked in this chaotic, fast-paced process and his or her “transformation” into a democrat is taken for granted. The changing socio-political system and its exigencies may lead to nostalgia and social frustrations, which in turn cause democratic backsliding. In order to cultivate a democratic society and avoid future backsliding, the post-communist states quickly set out to reform their educational systems, both in form and substance. By reviewing the reform process of the Czech educational system and discussing the prevailing legacies left by the communist regime, the article will show that through the “destruction” of the former system and its de-monopolization, decentralization and de-ideologization, the state deliberately lost significant means and power to transform Czechs from “homo sovieticus” to “homo democraticus” and is now left with a dependence on the highly autonomous schools and their propensity to foster democratic generations that will uphold the democratic state in the future. This paradox is reminiscent of the so-called Böckenförde dilemma, claiming that the liberal democratic state “lives by prerequisites which it cannot guarantee itself”. 相似文献