探寻曹聚仁先生早年的活动足迹:以暨南大学为中心的考察

曹聚仁是20世纪中国著名的作家、学者和记者,二三十年代和抗战胜利后曾两度任教暨南大学长达11年.其中二三十年代任教暨南大学9年的经历是曹聚仁人生历程中浓墨重彩的一笔.本文拟以曹聚仁任教暨南大学时的活动足迹为中心,探讨其与暨南大学的关系.     

新加坡高校人文素质教育特色及其经验借鉴

本文通过分析新加坡高校人文素质教育的特色和经验,对比目前我国高校人文素质教育中存在的不足,借鉴新加坡的经验,提出以传承本国优秀文化、增强国民意识、增进大学生对我国历史和文化传统的认同感等为重点,进一步加强和改进大学生的人文素质教育,全面提高人才的培养质量.     

关于发展公安职业教育模式问题的辨析

公安教育是坚持独立设置公安院校还是将公安院校职能转化为岗位培训中心,在从外国法律职业教育模式、高等职业教育特征、公安教育办学实践几个角度进行分析之后,可知公安类院校不仅应当加强,而且应该加快向本科方向或更高的层次发展,那种放弃公安院校继续发展,从地方院校大学生中机械仿照发达国家招募警察的观点和做法,不符合公安高等职业技术人才培养模式.     

高校心理健康教育面临的问题与对策

高校大学生心理健康教育面临的问题主要有:学校重视不够,使心理健康教育发展迟缓;理论研究薄弱,心理健康教育没有科学规范的理论体系,实践中缺乏理论指导;专业人员缺乏,心理健康教育专职化、科学化水平不高;心理健康教育工作的现有模式不能适应社会发展,需要变革。加强大学生的心理健康教育,可采取以下措施:必须使心理健康成为全社会的共识,让家庭教育、学校教育、自我教育形成合力;整合利用教育资源,将心理健康教育贯穿在学校的各项工作中;重视理论研究,推进心理健康教育课程化;建设一支稳定的、高素质的心理健康教育的师资队伍,使心理健康教育工作走向专业化轨道。     

从“太阳花学运”看台湾民主

台湾自视为民主化的“灯塔”,但“太阳花学运”暴露出台湾民主存在诸多问题,引发广泛争议。争议中的共识是台湾民主出了问题,但也存在分歧,即究竟该对近三十年来的台湾民主化持什么态度,肯定、否定,抑或其他？分歧的产生与民主质量理论运用到台湾民主研究有关,民主质量的概念特性导致不同学者对其内涵的理解有所不同。有将其理解为狭义的“民主”的质量,包括竞争性选举、政党轮替等;也有将其理解为中义的“民主政治”的质量,包括法治、宪政、分权、人权等其他政治范畴;还有将其理解为广义的“民主政体”的质量,包括政治绩效、经济绩效、社会绩效等政治、经济和社会范畴。通过民主质量理论可知,台湾基本实现了巩固的民主,但尚未实现优质的民主。     

The impact of MGNREGS on child labour and child education: an empirical analysis

This article addresses the persistent claim that the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) has a negative impact on the availability of labour for agricultural operations, which has significant implications for the induced demand for child labour as a cheaper substitute for unskilled adult labour on agricultural farms in peak seasons. The study contributes to this debate by examining three issues: (i) effects of seasonality on child intensity of labour; (ii) impact of MGNREGS on child intensity of labour; and (iii) impact of seasonality and MGNREGS on human capital formation.     

尊重差异平等对待寻求共赢——析"国际理解教育"理念对我国各民族学校文化教育启示

面对我国民族文化中出现的同化与排斥现象,在民族传统与文化迅速瓦解、失散和消亡的现状下,本文分析了“国际理解教育”理念与我国民族文化教育政策的一致性,并提出了“国际理解教育”理念(宽容、尊重、理解与平等等)对各民族学校文化教育的启示——各族人民要有文化平等与文化差异意识、开设各民族文化课程、由教学范式走向学习范式等,从而为追求我国少数民族文化的复兴与繁荣,实现民族文化政策上的“双百方针”而努力。     

Understanding unequal turnout: Education and voting in comparative perspective

Well-educated citizens vote more frequently than the poorly educated in some countries, including the USA. However, in many countries, no such differences are observed. One classical explanation of the presence or absence of this inequality in voting is that the strength of left-wing forces sharpens or reduces it. An alternative explanation is that some institutional arrangements and contextual features disproportionately affect the voter participation of some individuals depending on their resources, thus shaping turnout inequality. These theories are tested using multilevel modeling with data from 28 advanced industrial democracies. Compulsory voting reduces inequalities because under this system quasi-universal turnout is achieved. In addition, the poorly educated vote more frequently when the voting procedure is easy and when there are few political parties, thus reducing turnout inequality. However, strong left-wing parties and trade unions are not associated with more equal turnout.     

Increasingly unequal turnout in Eastern European new democracies: Communist and transitional legacies versus new institutions

Unequal turnout, namely that educated citizens are more likely to vote, has been a long-standing pre-occupation of scholars of political participation and has been shown to exist across established democracies in varying degrees. Using pooled cross-sectional individual level data covering the period from 1990 to 2007 across 12 post-communist new democracies, this paper examines the applicability of existing explanations for unequal turnout in the Eastern European context. The paper shows that while voting procedures explain some cross-national variation in unequal turnout, turnout inequality is likewise shaped over time by processes related to the transition from communism, primarily the fading of initial excitement with democratic elections. The mechanism of learning among mature voters rather than generational replacement dominates the latter process.     

When long-distance relationships don't work out: Representational distance and satisfaction with democracy in Europe

We assess the impact of party representation on satisfaction with democracy. Our proposition is that such representation is not only about having a chosen party in government; citizens also derive satisfaction from having their views represented by a political party. We test this through an individual-level measure of policy (in)congruence: the ideological distance between a voter and his or her closest party. Via multi-level modelling of European Election Study data from 1989 to 2009, we find that perceived policy distance matters: the further away that voters see themselves from their nearest party – on either a left-right or a European unification policy dimension – the less satisfied they are with democracy. Notably, this effect is not moderated by party incumbency or size. Voters derive satisfaction from feeling represented by a nearby party even if it is small and out of office. Our results caution against a purely outcomes-driven understanding of democratic satisfaction.