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91.
《Science & justice》2020,60(2):145-150
Footwear may be found at crime scenes as physical evidence. Such footwear often has impression features of the wearer’s foot on the insole of the shoe. Scientific research and literature have established that footprints are distinct. This study compares two-dimensional measurements on bare footprints to foot impressions on insoles to determine if significant differences or similarities exist. Dynamic footprints were collected from 51 donors using the Identicator® Inkless Shoe Print Model LE 25P system. Seven foot length and width measurements were taken based on the Reel linear measurement method. Footprint measurements between bare footprints and foot impressions on the insoles were compared. Only two differences (p > 0.05) were observed between the various bare footprint and insole foot impression measurements on the right and left side for most of the measurements, CALC (p < 0.001) and A1 (p = 0.04). Bare footprint and insole A5 measurements on the left side were also significantly different (p = 0.015). The results of the study have implications in the forensic analysis of foot impression evidence on insoles in footwear in assisting with identifying the wearer of said footwear. Situations may arise in the forensic context when comparing the foot impression on the insole of footwear to a suspect’s bare footprint or a footprint from post-mortem remains. This study contributes to the scant literature available on the topic and to understanding the similarities and differences observed in the various linear measurements that may be utilized in the comparison process of footprint impressions on shoe insoles to bare footprints.  相似文献   
92.
在刑事诉讼中解决好对被害人的赔偿与补偿问题,可以有效地使被害人获得抚慰,有利于实现诉讼目的,维护社会安定。我国在刑事诉讼中对被害人的赔偿是按照刑事附带民事诉讼程序进行的,但如何通过该程序来保障被害人的赔偿权利,是一个值得进一步探究的问题。  相似文献   
93.
对我国建立被害人国家补偿制度的立法思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
犯罪被害人的权利救济是现代人权保护的一个重要问题。当被害人遭受犯罪行为侵害而又难以得到充分赔偿时,为保护被害人权利,彰显社会公平,应当由国家给予一定的物质补偿。结合我国国情并借鉴国外的经验,应尽快建立我国的被害人国家补偿制度。  相似文献   
94.
浅析当前扒窃案件的特点及反扒对策   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在当前的各类刑事案件中,扒窃案件发案率越来越高,严重危害了公众的财产安全和社会治安秩序。因而,公安机关在当前的反扒窃工作中所要完成的任务是:深入分析各种扒窃案件的作案特点,认真查找反扒工作中存在的问题,积极研究打击扒窃犯罪的有效对策。  相似文献   
95.
This article examines the well-documented relationship between early initiation or onset of criminal behavior and a heightened risk of involvement in offending. Previous research examining this question conducted by Nagin and Farrington (Criminology 30:235–260, 1992a; Criminology 30:501–523, 1992b) used data from the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development and found that: (1) onset age was correlated with offending involvement; and (2) the correlation could be explained by stable individual differences in the propensity to offend rather than a causal effect of early onset age. In this study, similar analytic methods are applied to data from the Second Philadelphia Birth Cohort. This data set consists of all 13,160 males born in Philadelphia in 1958 who resided in the city continuously from ages 10 to 18, slightly more than half of whom were non-white. Information from each of the youths was collected from schools, juvenile justice agencies, other official sources and surveys. In a model that mimics previous analyses, we initially found that an early age of onset is associated with greater subsequent involvement in delinquent behavior. When unobserved criminal propensity was controlled, however, we found that a late rather than an early onset of delinquency was related to future offending. In finding a state dependent effect for age of onset, our findings are contrary to propensity theory in criminology. In finding that it is late rather early onset which puts youth at risk for future offending, our findings are contrary to developmental/life course theory. Our results are more compatible with traditional criminological theory that is friendly to state dependence processes, though they too have not to date articulated why a late onsetting of offending might be particularly criminogenic.
Raymond PaternosterEmail:

Sarah Bacon   is an Assistant Professor in the College of Criminology and Criminal Justice at the Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Maryland. Her research interests focus on quantitative methods, testing criminological theory, and capital punishment. This paper is an extension of work conducted for her M.A. thesis at the University of Maryland. Raymond Paternoster   is Professor in the Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice at the University of Maryland and Faculty Affiliate of the Maryland Population Research Center, College Park, Maryland. He received his Ph.D. from Florida State University. His research interests focus on testing criminological theory, the relationship between events in adolescence and delinquency, and capital punishment. Robert Brame   is Professor in the Department of Criminal Justice at the University of North Carolina Charlotte, Charlotte, North Carolina. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Maryland. His current research interests focus on domestic violence, the use of criminal records for screening purposes, linkages between adolescent employment and criminal behavior, and capital punishment.  相似文献   
96.
俄罗斯卢布汇率安排的经济效应分析   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
俄罗斯转型时期的宏观经济波动与汇率制度安排之间存在着密切的关系.本文在评述新兴市场经济国家汇率制度选择困境和概述俄罗斯汇率制度演变的基础上,从汇率与通货膨胀、汇率与对外贸易、汇率与资本流入、汇率与外债规模结构变动等方面分析了汇率制度安排及汇率变动的宏观经济效应,并简要总结了俄罗斯的实践对中国的启示.  相似文献   
97.
印俄战略伙伴关系的新发展   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
印俄战略伙伴关系是冷战时期印苏特殊关系的继承和演进。进入21世纪以后,随着俄罗斯的复兴和印度的崛起,双方重新审视对方在各自战略棋盘上的分量,决定建立"战略伙伴关系",加强在政治、经济、军事、科技、能源等领域的合作。由于俄罗斯与中国的"战略协作伙伴关系"不断深化,印度与中国"面向和平与繁荣的战略伙伴关系"正在推进,印俄战略伙伴关系对于中国具有某种积极意义。尽管印俄对中国的态度有一定区别,但是印俄战略伙伴关系对中国的良性作用值得肯定。  相似文献   
98.
The Russian challenge to the European security system is internal rather than external, because despite all the political efforts at distancing Russia from Europe, the indivisibility remains undiminished. The underlying assumption for Russia’s course is that the West is in irreversible decline, and the conclusion about the dissolution of the West-controlled world order is established in the key doctrinal documents. Instead of passively waiting for this meltdown to develop, it makes perfect sense for the Russian leadership to accelerate it pro-actively, using various levers, including military force. Moscow acts on the assumption that its “unconventional” methods could yield results only if augmented by military threats, against which the Europeans cannot master convincing counter-argument. The imperative to sustain and update credibility of these threats necessitates allocation of greater share of available resources to military build-up, which clashes with economic rationale of reducing this burden in the situation of protracted stagnation.  相似文献   
99.
For more than 100 years, ethnographic accounts have highlighted the non-nativeness of the Komi diaspora to the Kola Peninsula, contrasting it with the indigenous Sami population. Their legal status there has been a vexed issue unresolved by Tsarist administrators, Soviet ethnic policies, present-day ideas of multiethnic civic nation, and global indigenous activism. In the everyday life, however, there are no apparent differences between the two ethnic groups and their traditional lifestyles in the rural area of Murmansk region. Juxtaposing historical ethnographic accounts on the Izhma Komi with my fieldwork experiences among the Komi on the Kola Peninsula, I show how ethnographers uphold dominant ideologies and promote different state policies. The ambiguous ethnic and indigenous categorizations from their accounts reverberate in popular stereotypes, political mobilizations from below, and state policies from above. In this way, they make an interesting case for the practical problems of generalization and essentialism.  相似文献   
100.
How do political parties react to foreign security threats? There has been very little attention paid in the literature generally to how parties react to international events, particularly how parties react to foreign policy threats. Using data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, we examine how political parties in countries in Europe have reacted to Russian actions in terms of their emphasis on security issues. Based upon our analysis of the manifestoes from 331 parties in 36 countries we find that, generally, interstate threats have no significant effect on the military position adopted by political parties, although these effects vary by party type and by the type of threat. Russian based threats appear to be associated with the Far Left becoming more dovish (which is consistent with what would be expected by the literature) and the Far Right becoming significantly less hawkish.  相似文献   
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