中国古代秘密侦查方法析评

秘密侦查方法具有其特殊功能,为世界各国所普遍采用。我国古代便产生了广泛而深入的各种秘密侦查方法,其中包括以“侯”侦探,逆用犯罪人;设告密箱;跟踪盯梢和狱内侦查等。古代秘密侦查方法具有其合理内核,也为现代秘密侦查方法提供了相当的启示,如善用现代科技,促进秘密侦查方法的完善;面对我国秘密侦查立法的困境,从秘密侦查启动条件、启动主体、秘密侦查适用对象、实施程序、秘密侦查所获取资料的线索以及证据价值、违法秘密侦查的后果等方面完善我国缺失的秘密侦查立法;根据主体、客体、程序和是否穷尽等要素合理适用秘密侦查手段。     

论我国历史上对性交易的法律管制

我国法律对性交易的打击虽非常严厉,但性交易却屡禁不止,并愈演愈烈.可见,我国现行的严禁主义存在问题.纵观我国历史大多数时期,性交易是合法的,并且性交易合法时期往往是社会环境比较宽松的时期,也往往是历史上的“盛世”之时.而性交易非法时期也往往是法律环境比较苛刻、社会控制比较严厉的时期.这样的时期里对性交易的管制往往就是严刑峻法,通过这样的管制也往往造成统治者不愿意看到的结果,并且最终都会放开对性交易的管制.     

设计未来：中国发展与知识产权

中国未来的发展,离不开知识产权事业的发展。知识产权战略是建设创新型国家的制度支撑。中国知识产权战略的实施,应着力于＂中国创造＂、＂中国创意＂、＂中国形象＂的发展目标,即实施专利战略、提高国家科技竞争力,实施版权战略、增强国家文化软实力,实施商标战略、提升国家品牌影响力。     

我国行业利益集团对规制政策制定过程的影响

规制政策本质上具有对公民和企业的权利进行分配或再分配的特点,中国国际快递委员会通过重点运用游说策略,综合利用智库、媒体等渠道,对快递业的规制政策制定施加了影响,有力地抵制了国家邮政局和邮政企业“政企同盟”的政策意图。因此,如何在今后的利益集团博弈中构筑一个各方充分参与的制度性平台,将成为今后政治体制改革的重要课题。     

建国初期甘肃的成人教育

建国初期,中共甘肃省委和省人民政府在大力发展甘肃国民教育的同时,还大力开展了全省的成人教育,取得了显著的成效,较大程度地提高了全省人民思想政治和文化知识的整体水平,为完成过渡时期的各项任务奠定了基础。     

中共八大前后刘少奇对执政党建设的卓越贡献

1949年中华人民共和国成立,中国共产党成为全国的执政党,面临的形势和任务发生了重大变化。在新的历史条件下,党如何继续保持先进性和纯洁性,巩固党的执政地位,充分发挥党的领导作用,成为摆在全党面前的重大课题。刘少奇同志作为党和国家的主要领导人,对加强执政党建设进行了深刻的思索,取得了丰硕的成果。     

Citizens’ Perceptions of Governance in Rural and Urban China

This article presents three main findings from a purposive stratified survey of urban and rural residents. First, Chinese citizens “disaggregate” the state with high levels of satisfaction for Central government that fall dramatically as government gets closer to the people. Satisfaction levels are noticeably lower for those in rural China. Second, attitudes about the way policy is implemented by local governments raise concerns. Irrespective of place of residence, respondents feel that when implementing policy local officials and governments are mainly concerned with their own interests, are more receptive to the views of their superiors rather than those of ordinary people, favor those with money, and are formalistic in implementing policy rather than dealing with actual problems. Third, the areas of work that citizens would really like government to concentrate on are job creation and providing basic guarantees to protect against the shocks of the transition to a market economy. Tony Saich is the Daewoo Professor of International Affairs, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University and Director of the Harvard University Asia Center. His recent research focuses on the development of social policy in China, particularly on the provision of public goods by local governments. His publications include Governance and Politics of China by Palgrave and edited volumes on Financial Sector Reform in China (with Yasheng Huang and Edward Steinfeld) and AIDS and Social Policy in China (with Joan Kaufman and Arthur Kleinman both by Harvard University Asia Center. He would like to thank Edward Cunningham for his great help in preparing this article. He also wants to thank Victor Yuan (Horizon Market Research Company) for his tremendous help in designing the survey and implementing it. In addition, I would like to thank Anita Chan, Martin King Whyte and two anonymous reviewers for their extremely helpful comments on an earlier draft.     

The Politics of Poverty Mis-targeting in China

Based upon a county level analysis, this article explores the complex processes of poverty mis-targeting in China and supplements the pre-existing literature with a bottom-up analysis. It argues that the rational calculations of key county leaders, shaped by a combination of formal and informal institutions, determine whether a county, irrespective of poverty level, competes for the title of “state-designated poorest county (SDPC).” This article also demonstrates that the interaction between formal and informal institutions is dynamic and subject to change. For future relevant research, this article suggests to analyze the practice of poverty reduction in a disaggregated manner by examining the interplay within and among different levels of government. Juan Wang, a Ph.D candidate in political science at Johns Hopkins University, is the author of “Going beyond Township and Village Enterprises,” Journal of Contemporary China, Issue 14, Volume 42, (February 2005), pp.171–181. The author is particularly grateful to Kellee Tsai for her valuable suggestions and support throughout this project. I am indebted to William Rowe, Mark Blyth, Wang Sangui and anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments. The Institute of Global Studies (IGS) of Johns Hopkins University receives my gratitude for its financial support of this project.     

美国“亚太遏制”战略与中国“和谐世界”外交的博弈——评2008年美国《中国军力报告》

2008年3月,美国国防部最新出台的所谓<中国军力报告>是小布什政府任内最后一份相关文件.回顾过去8年,小布什政府任内的8份相关文件,明显地透露出美国强化在亚太地区"遏制中国",以保持其在这一地区的传统优势的战略意图.基于中国的发展离不开稳定的周边环境的事实,中国提出"和谐外交"与"和谐世界"的外交战略.面对美国在亚太地区的"遏制"战略,中国的"和谐"战略是否可以成功应对?这是值得关注的问题.     

“和平发展”视域下的中国国际安全环境

十七大报告在阐释我国的外交理念时指出，“中国将始终不渝走和平发展道路”（P46）。这一理念奠定了新时期中国外交的基本方略。始终不渝走和平发展道路，是中国政府和人民根据时代发展潮流和自身根本利益作出的战略抉择，走和平发展道路将是中国今后很长一段时期内的基本外交理念。