论我国家庭暴力的公力救济

家庭暴力是一个全球性的问题 ,之所以受到特别关注 ,是因为它不仅是一个突出的社会问题 ,而且极大地危害社会治安、家庭稳定以及妇女儿童的身心健康。公力救济作为对家庭暴力的有效防治途径之一 ,结合我国目前的立法及司法现状 ,对其进行理论探讨     

2 855例暴力性伤害案特征研究

目的了解我国暴力性伤害损伤特征. 方法调查四川省8个市县1990～1997年公安局登记在案且经过法医学鉴定的所有暴力性伤害案件2 855 例,并进行统计分析. 结果伤者及侵害者均以青年男性为主, 20～39岁多见.文化程度在伤者以中专及中学多见,侵害者则以小学文化水平为主.致伤方式最常见的为钝器伤,其中拳打、脚踢最为多见(57.2%).损伤部位以头面部最为多见(37.3%).损伤类型多为挫裂创及刺、砍、切创(40.3%).损伤程度以轻伤多见(42.4%). 结论[ HT 根据暴力性伤害特征制定相应预防措施,对我国社会治安的稳定具有重要意义.     

男性作为家庭暴力受害人问题研究

家庭暴力的核心是权力和控制。在现实生活中,国内外都存在着男性作为家庭暴力受害人的现象。从表象上看,男性作为家庭暴力受害人存在着身体力量较小、社会资源占有量较少、＂男性气质＂不够突出等特点。但透过表象,这些特质都是社会建构的结果,是父权制社会的刻板印象,是男女不平等、性别关系不和谐的反映。家庭暴力的代际传递、社会习得及现行法律有效救济机制的缺乏是造成上述现象的重要原因。通过设立专门针对男性的庇护所、家庭暴力防治法的专项立法,并通过在多元、多机构社会干预中对男性作为家庭暴力受害人问题的关注,才有可能真正实现性别平等,从而构造男女平权的性别伙伴关系。     

Youth,violence, and courtship in late-Victorian Birmingham: The case of James Harper and Emily Pimm

Late-Victorian England witnessed a decline in the recorded level of violence. Recent historical scholarship ascribes this fall to the 19th-century “civilising offensive” and suggests that male violence was effectively targeted by legislators and subject to increasingly stringent punishment by the courts. Yet concern with violence persisted. During the 1890s, it was expressed both in the enduring debate on the problem of male violence against women and in the growing anxieties surrounding youth gangs and “hooliganism.” This paper examines a criminal trial, held in Birmingham in 1898, which effectively fused these apparently disparate phenomena. The conviction of a young metal polisher, an alleged gang member, for the manslaughter of his former “sweetheart” aroused considerable comment in the local press. Both gang membership and violence against women were denounced as problems of the Birmingham “slums.” Close inspection of the trial reports suggests that neither the perpetrator nor the victim in this case conformed fully to the stereotypes of the gang member and his “moll” that were applied to them. Yet these stereotypes performed an important ideological function, distancing the problem of violence from the mainstream of civic life and thus preserving the veneer of English civility, whilst masking the persistence of male violence within courtship as well as marriage.     

Is the Impact of Alcohol Consumption on Violence Relative to the Level of Consumption?

Two ideas concerning the link between bullying in school and violence on the streets are investigated. (1) Bullying and victimization in school is a product of the school situation and people's inability to choose their levels of exposure to others. According to this hypothesis, bullying is largely a phenomenon that is isolated to the school context. (II) Bullying behaviour in school and inflicting damage to others outside school is a reflection of a more general aggressive behaviour pattern and, hence, bullying in school and violence on the streets will, to a great extent, involve the same individuals. The literature offers suggestions that either could be the case. Participants were 2915 14-year-olds in a medium-sized county in Sweden who responded to a self-report questionnaire.Theresults showed that bullying others in school was strongly linked to violent behaviour and weapon-carrying on the streets, both among boys and girls. It was also found that bullying others in school was related to being violently victimized on the streets. The findings remained the same when statistically controlling for loitering and nights spent away from home, which were both related to bullying behaviour. It is concluded that bullying behaviour in school is in many cases a part of a more general violent and aggressive behaviour pattern and that preventive efforts targeting individuals with bullying behaviour in school could, according to the present study, decrease violence among adolescents out in the community as well.     

Homicide Trends in Finland and Estonia in 1880–1940: Consequences of the Demographic,Social and Political Effects of Industrialization

While in western Europe and Scandinavia homicide rates reached their all time low during the period of industrialization, in Finland and Estonia they increased considerably. The rapid growth of criminal violence during the late 1800s and first half of the 1900s in these two countries seems to have been the result of interaction of several factors, partly non-simultaneous and unrelated. They do not seem to have been identical either, although the underlying equation was the same: the quick social and economic change following industrialization, and the modernisation of agriculture, the pressures it put especially on the youth in the form of uncertain prospects for the future and a new competition-oriented set of values, connected with the authoritarian political system of Russian Empire, which prevented necessary political reforms and left behind a legacy of social thinking idealizing violence as a political and social instrument. A legacy, which affected large parts of Finnish and Estonian population still for years after the czarist system itself already passed into history. The criminal violence arisen from the equation, however, had quite a different face on the northern coast of the Gulf of Finland from that on the southern one. In Finland the violence was centered in the new forest industrial communities, in Estonia again among the landless population of the countryside.     

Political Refugees' Violence in Norway

This paper is an attempt to explain why male refugees committed acts of violence in exile in Norway. Three cases, two homicides and one rape case, are presented together with the men who committed them. It is argued that violence occurs as a consequence of a combination of precipitating factors pertaining to the history and biography of the informants. The historical and biographical factors, such as war, refugee experiences and mental illnesses, work in combination with more immediate contextual factors which pertain to the refugees' subsequent experiences in Norway, such as social isolation, lack of treatment, alcohol abuse and precarious living conditions. The main hypothesis is that violent acts may be committed when somebody has been exposed to an intolerable amount of physical and/or psychic pressure and as a means of regaining control. Furthermore, Bourdieu's concept of habitus is a tool in the analysis of the men's violent acts.     

Negotiating a Victim Identity: Young Men as Victims of Violence

This article is based on an interview study of how 10 young male crime victims talk about violent events and actors involved. It focuses on how the young men present their identities as ‘young men’ who have been victims of violent crimes. In their narrations the men struggle with a cultural understanding that ‘masculinity’ is associated with strength and power, while ‘victim’ is associated with weakness and impotence. During the interviews the young men actualize several balancing acts in their presentation of themselves as men and victims in a delicate manner by use of specific word choice, manner of speaking, laughter, etc. The young men are negotiating a victim identity; they portray themselves by careful positioning as both victims and strong, active young men. By this discursive balancing of identities the young men present themselves as manly at the same time as they present themselves as victims. In collaboration with the interviewer the participants negotiate how they want to be known: as ‘victim-worthy’ young men, with associations to a ‘hegemonic manliness’.     

The Emergence of Crime Victims as a Target Group in the Swedish Social Services Act

This article examines the political motives behind the introduction of crime victim support provisions in the Swedish Social Services Act. The findings derive from a case study of the preparatory material that prefaced the legal changes that were adopted in 2001. The result shows that the explicit purpose of the provisions was to consider measures to improve the support to crime victims. To some degree the provisions can also be explained by symbolic factors. In fact, most actors in the law-making process indicate that their motives were communicative and symbolic. Support to crime victims was presumably a complicated issue for the social democratic government. Because of the economical crisis in the early 1990s, there was no scope for reforms that implied high increased costs. Yet expanding the crime victim's rights in relation to the offender, such as toughening the penal law and promoting victim impact statements, was not in line with social democratic ideology. By enacting the provisions in the Social Services Act the government demonstrated that support to crime victims was an important area of concern. At the same time, the provisions did not involve any increased costs or strengthen the crime victim's rights in relation to the offender. In this way, the provisions became a mediator that solved a difficult political dilemma for the government.