论国际恐怖主义的全球化趋势与国际法律控制

当前国际恐怖主义呈现出强劲的全球化发展趋势 ,而现行国际反恐法制治标不治本、规则取向不足、条约的巴尔干式、反恐措施单一、国际合作欠深入等弱点都亟待克服。只有全面构建和完善国际反恐法制 ,在断定和惩治国际恐怖主义方面具有更多的规则取向 ,并加强联合国在国际反恐斗争中的主导和协调作用 ,国际恐怖主义犯罪才会得到有效控制。而要彻底根除国际恐怖主义 ,必须建立国际政治、经济和文化新秩序。     

1971年美国与台湾当局在联合国中国代表权问题上的有限“合作”

1971年第26届联大,由于判断即便全力支持,台湾当局也将在短期内失去联合国席位,美国以基于“两个中国”设计的“双重代表案”作为因应中国代表权问题的蓝本,并主张将安理会席位交归中华人民共和国政府的代表,以此换取国际社会对美案的支持;但台湾当局的代表将能否继续保有安理会席位视为应否继存于联合国的底线,双方围绕代表权问题经历了一段长期交涉。出于秘密运作与中华人民共和国改善关系的需要,同时也为迫使台湾当局接受“双重代表”安排,美国在对台交涉上采取了拖延策略。随着基辛格两次访华消息的相继公布,台湾当局在代表权问题上完全陷入被动,最终选择了对美国所主张的“复合双重代表案”持消极默认态度。     

Jan Christian Smuts (1870–1950) in Context: An Answer to Mazower and Morefield

This article engages with the recent scholarship of Mark Mazower and Jeanne Morefield regarding the South African and Commonwealth statesman Jan Christian Smuts (1870–1950), and in particular with their contention that Smuts was preoccupied with issues of racial superiority, and that this was his main motivator in matters of politics, both internationally and domestically. However, during his lifetime Smuts did not see the ‘Native question’ in the form in which it manifested from the 1950s onwards. It is therefore unfair and inaccurate to over-emphasise the racial question when writing about Smuts. Any historical account of Smuts must keep at least one eye on what Smuts could not have foreseen and must place Smuts in the context of his own time. Progression from smaller to greater wholes – one white nation instead of two language sections; a united South Africa instead of divided colonies and republics; membership of self-governing Dominions in a single British Commonwealth, and membership of international organisations, in particular the League of Nations, and later the United Nations – these were the ends to which Smuts’ energies were unreservedly devoted throughout his career. This is the correct lens through which to view Smuts’ liberal credentials.     

The Commonwealth,Gender and Peacekeeping

Abstract

Reflecting on the strategic commitment outlined in the Plan of Action for Gender Equality (2005–2015) and the priority issues of the Commonwealth Women’s Forum, this article assesses the extent to which the Commonwealth as an institution is supporting troop- and police-contributing member states in addressing the gender imbalance in peacekeeping operations. Drawing on desk-based research, interviews with international policymakers and a statistical analysis of the International Peace Institute Peacekeeping Database, the article first outlines the Commonwealth’s gender and security policy perspective before examining datasets to determine the success of Commonwealth member states in integrating women into uniformed peacekeeping contingents between 2009 and 2015. The article observes that, in spite of a renewed optimism and drive to propel women into leadership positions in politics, the judiciary, public bodies and private companies, security-sector reform and the implementation of pillar one of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 are notably absent from the Commonwealth’s gender agenda. It is argued that this policy gap suggests that national and international security architecture is regarded as an accepted domain of male privilege. A lack of political will among Commonwealth heads of government to mainstream gender equality and facilitate structural transformation of national security organs and a chronically under resourced Commonwealth Secretariat limit the influence of the institution to that of arms-length promoter of international norms on women, peace and security.     

冲突后国家警察改革与民众安全治理 ——以联合国维和行动为视角

武装冲突刚刚结束后的国家容易出现安全缺口，普通民众依然面临着诸多安全威胁，主要有前战斗人员和缺乏管控的武器、不断上升的犯罪率、与选举相关的暴力及针对妇女儿童的犯罪等。此时，国家尚缺乏有效的国内治安治理机制和能力，警察机构亟须改革乃至重建。当今联合国维和行动越来越注重协助冲突后国家警察部门的改革与能力建设。改革应力求标本兼治，既缓解冲突后民众安全需求的燃眉之急，又注重警察部门中、长期的机构建设和发展。改革应以民众的安全为首要目标，重点是警察民主警务观念及技能的培养、组织架构及管理机制的建立，尤其是内部监督机制的建立与有效执行。此外，还应注意本土化问题。改革在实施过程中存在诸多挑战，如当地警力资源的匮乏、警察的公共形象差、民众的弱势地位、国际援助部门之间缺乏协调等。该文亦对增强冲突后国家警察队伍能力建设及民众保护问题提出了若干建议。     

试析法律在联合国集体安全体制中的作用

法律是构建联合国集体安全体制中的重要工具,《联合国宪章》中有关集体安全的规定一定程度上保障了集体安全体制的成功。根据《联合国宪章》的有关规定,集体安全法即在禁止使用武力原则(第2条第4款)的基础上,对和平的威胁、违反或侵略行为采取行动的强制规范(第7章措施)。在充分吸取国联集体安全失败教训的基础上,《联合国宪章》不仅使联合国集体安全体制的政治基础法律化,同时又给予集体安全体制以更多的法律特征。体现各国政治意愿的国家利益与法并非完全矛盾,《联合国宪章》对于武力使用的严格限制正是法维护国际社会每一个成员国家利益的重要反映,集体安全体制中既有法律规则、也体现了政治现实。尽管现存集体安全体制还存在法规不完善等问题,但实践的发展明确要求法律作用的强化,以推动联合国改革朝着更加规则化的方向发展。     

多边外交是构建和谐世界的平台——重新认识多边外交

中华人民共和国成立之后,中国外交在相当长的时间内以双边外交为主。自1971年恢复我国在联合国席位之后,中国积极开展多边外交。此后,我国多边外交的发展大体上经历了三个阶段:一、局部参与联合国的活动;二、多边外交政策大调整,全面参与联合国的活动;三、积极进取,开展多边外交,为构建和谐世界而努力。在胡锦涛主席提出的“和谐世界”这一重要理念的指导下,多边外交作为构建和谐世界的平台,将为中国外交开创一个新局面。     

Rising powers at the UN: an analysis of the voting behaviour of brics in the General Assembly

This article examines the long-term trends of foreign policy convergence of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (brics) to determine the similarity of their positions on world issues, as they seek to ‘insert’ themselves more fully into global decision making. The analysis is based upon their votes in the UN General Assembly. The article compiles two indexes of voting for the period 1974–2011. Both demonstrate a high and now growing degree of cohesion among brics. Their voting is broken down by pairs to show common themes and the major issue divergences, and how often individual states voted with others. Nuclear disarmament and human rights are the two areas that reveal persisting divergences between these states.     

When Liberal Peacebuilding Fails: Paradoxes of Implementing Ownership and Accountability in the Integrated Approach

As a consequence of the popularity of integrated and nationally owned peace processes, aligning external actors to a national peacebuilding strategy has become part of the recipe for success. Using the case of Sierra Leone, this article engages with the question of what constructing such unified peacebuilding agenda in fragile states means politically. Contrasting the purpose of peacebuilding with the practices through which it is carried out, the article argues that the implementation of a unified peacebuilding agenda to a large extent undermines the liberal pretences of peacebuilding. While the integration of government, civil society and donors works to portray a more ordered society in countries where the lack of such order has been a manifest security problem, it also works to undermine the crucial autonomy of and accountability between them.     

The United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan: Impartiality in New UN Peace Operations

Abstract

Set within the complex contemporary context of international interventions, UN peacekeeping operations have now evolved into peace operations. The emergence of the concepts of human security and the responsibility to protect have raised expectations that UN peace operations should deal with both macro and micro level insecurity in conflict and post-conflict situations, especially in the case of failed or collapsed states. Reflecting this development, the question of an appropriate framework in which to conceptualize peace operations has also been debated. This essay considers a conceptualization of UN peace operations from a conflict resolution perspective and analyses the case of the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), using a framework of conflict transformation. It argues that the impartiality of UN operations has been reconceived in terms of the values of ‘human security’ and the ‘responsibility to protect’, making it vital to explicitly articulate the meaning and implications of ‘value-based’ impartiality.