对海外华裔青年学生中华文化认同的调查分析——以泰国华裔学生为例

青年华裔是推动新时期海外华侨工作,推动中国软实力建设的重要力量。本文以云南民族大学泰国华裔学生为标本,以文化适应理论为基础,以问卷调查、访谈的方式,探讨华裔学生在华留学文化适应上的特点,并提出相应对策和建议。     

美国对以色列军援政策的变化及其成因

自以色列建国以来,维护其生存和安全是美国历届政府一直不变的承诺,向以色列提供军事援助就是保障其安全的重要举措。美国主要从现实主义出发,根据其全球战略的需要来决定它对以色列提供军事援助的力度。由于美国在不同时期内对全球目标特别是中东战略目标有所不同,美国对以色列的军援政策也随之变化和调整,经历了一个限制——积极——以军援为施压手段——制度化——强化的演变过程。从未来发展看,美国与以色列在相当长时期内仍然互有所需,战略盟友关系不会变,美国对以色列的军援政策也基本上不会变。     

统一俄罗斯党形成过程浅析

统一俄罗斯党作为俄罗斯政治舞台上最具影响的政治力量之一,在普京总统任期内是亲总统的政权党。随着普京任总理并公开宣布担任党的主席,统一俄罗斯党进入新的发展时期。统一俄罗斯党的成立见证了"统一"与"祖国—全俄罗斯"两大杜马选举团关系的重大转变:由选举前的对立转变为选举后的统一。该党的成立是总统选举前国内政治形势的体现,是杜马选举中两大政治势力角力的产物,是普京任总统后多股政治力量联盟的结果。     

Portfolio Allocation and Policy Compromises: How and Why the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats Formed a Coalition Government

The question of ‘who gets what?’ is one of the most interesting issues in coalition politics. Research on portfolio allocation has thus far produced some clear‐cut empirical findings: coalition parties receive ministerial posts in close proportion to the number of parliamentary seats they win. This article poses two simple questions: Why did the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats agree to form a coalition government and, secondly, did the process of portfolio allocation in the United Kingdom in 2010 reflect standard patterns of cabinet composition in modern democracies? In order to answer these questions, a content analysis of election manifestos is applied in this article in order to estimate the policy positions of the parties represented in the House of Commons. The results show that a coalition between the Tories and Lib Dems was indeed the optimal solution in the British coalition game in 2010. When applying the portfolio allocation model, it turns out that the Conservatives fulfilled the criteria of a ‘strong party’, implying that the Tories occupied the key position in the coalition game. On account of this pivotal role, they were ultimately able to capture the most important ministries in the new coalition government.     

Signed but Not Ratified: Limits to U.S. Participation in International Environmental Agreements

Why does the United States sign environmental treaties but not ratify them? U.S. presidents have negotiated and signed several environmental treaties that ultimately could not obtain Senate ratification. This article considers two alternative explanations. First, presidents may face divided government and upcoming elections; elections can increase uncertainty regarding ratification, because they upset majorities and change congressional preferences on issues. Such factors may have caused “involuntary” defection from international environmental cooperation. Second, compensation and compromise on enabling legislation could satisfy enough senators and their constituents to allow the legislation's passage. Failure to secure ratification may be a result of the president's overestimating the potential for negotiating a policy package capable of creating sufficient support to obtain Senate ratification. I compare domestic constraints on U.S. participation in three international environmental negotiations—climate change, biodiversity, and chemicals—to assess the alternative explanations. The cases exemplify how domestic institutions affect international environmental cooperation.     

Berlusconi,Boehner and the Brink: Lessons for Political Reform in Britain

In the early autumn of 2013 large minorities in Italy and the United States fermented crises that badly disrupted the government of the two countries. These cases were widely understood as instances of dysfunction in established democracies that would rarely be replicated elsewhere. However, while all the conditions that generated the crises are unlikely to be evident in other established democracies three important factors that caused the disruptions in the American and Italian political processes are also sources of political conflict in Britain. They are the powers of the second legislative chamber, the weakening links between parties and social groups, and the redrawing of electoral boundaries. All of them present problems for political reform in Britain, and understanding the role they played in the two political crises of 2013 is important for future reform in Britain.     

论我国贪污贿赂犯罪刑法治理的国际化——基于《联合国反腐败公约》与中国反腐败的现实考察

反腐败是我国当下重大的现实问题,与《联合国反腐败公约》相关要求相比,我国贪污贿赂犯罪的罪名设置较为狭窄,犯罪对象规定不合理,主观方面设置不科学,法定刑的设定不完善。基于进一步完善贪污贿赂犯罪的刑事法治以及立足于当下反腐败的现实考察,有必要进一步完善罪名体系的设置,适时增设"外国公职人员、国际公共组织官员受贿罪"和"利用影响力行贿罪";减少犯罪主观要素的限制;扩大贪污贿赂犯罪的行为对象的范围;完善罚金刑,合理设置资格刑,进一步促进贪污贿赂犯罪刑罚配置的科学化。     

中等强国的变迁与全球治理体系的演进

在全球治理体系的更替演进中,大国始终占据着绝对优势地位,是处于国际矛盾和重大事件中心的主要角色,也是决定全球治理机制创建进度和主导过程控制的核心要素。从21世纪第2个十年开始,中等强国在推动全球治理体系的创设过程中开始发挥着重要作用,并借助二十国集团机制实现从治理参与者向治理推动者的进阶升迁,不仅标志着中等强国与全球治理体系变革已经初步形成良性的互动关系,还意味着全球治理的制度设计和运作模式步入新的时代。因此,世界政治将逐步朝着代表更多数国家和人民的政治方向转变,国际体系也将逐步转化为全方位发展更具整体性的全球形态。     

An Examination of Local Climate Change Policies in the Great Plains

As the United States struggles with national solutions to address climate change, state and local governments have become leaders in both mitigation and adaptation policy. Although a significant and growing body of research targets these policies, most studies have assumed common factors motivating both adaptation and mitigation policy adoption. There remains a need for more research on cities of all sizes, their adoption of specific local policies, the factors motivating those choices, and whether the influences for mitigation differ from those that motivate adaptation. The paper uses data from a new survey of over 200 local governments in eleven states of the Great Plains region, including measures distinguishing between mitigation and adaptation policies. These data are employed to test the relative influence of factors from three areas: the policy environment, the attitudes of governmental actors, and community atmosphere, in explaining observed variation in the adoption of climate change policies.