云南省10个少数民族遗传分化和基因流动

目的 基于9个CODIS STR基因座(CSFIPO、FGA、THOI、TPOX、vWA、D3S1358、D5S818、D7S820和D13S317)分型数据,探寻云南地区10个主要少数民族的遗传分化及基因流动特征.方法 计算出各基因座的杂合度和分化指标F、θ、f和Gst.分别采用Phylip 3.6和Arlequin...     

广西建设民族地区科学发展示范区的思考

把广西建设成为西部民族地区科学发展的示范区,是中央发挥广西"四个模范"作用、进一步提升广西战略地位的又一重大举措。广西应该从实际出发,充分发挥广西在民族地区跨越发展、科学发展、和谐发展和国际化发展等四个方面的示范作用,建设好民族地区科学发展示范区。     

邓小平民族理论的发展思路与思维特色

邓小平民族理论是在民族工作实践中逐步形成和发展起来的,经历了始创、形成和不断完善的发展阶段,特别是在改革开放新时期,确立了中国特色民族理论的主体文化精神,使党的民族政策落实获得了良性发展的结构,形成了具有鲜明特色的民族理论方法。     

民族认同与国家认同的整合模式研究

随着当今社会的快速发展,各个民族的利益诉求不断增加,民族问题不断涌现,导致认同危机的出现,这些严重损害了民族的团结,国家的安定.构建民族认同与国家认同的整合模式,是任何一个多民族国家发展所必须面对的一个重大可题.     

Scrutiny in English Local Government and the Role of Councillors

Overview and Scrutiny Committees were introduced in England and Wales in the Local Government Act 2000 that ended the role the full council and its committees as the locus of decision‐making for most local authorities. Overview and scrutiny committees composed of councillors not on small decision‐making executives were tasked with holding these to account. The performance of scrutiny committees is variable. Generally they work best where they concentrate on reviews of policy and practice, with recommendations following from well‐researched reports. The paper reviews the difficulties which arise when scrutiny committees endeavour to hold powerful executives to account, and suggests that to strengthen this new legislation is required, in particular to institutionalise scrutiny committees as agencies of the full council, the representative body for the area, comparable to the way in which the select committees at Westminster are the agencies of the Parliament.     

澳大利亚惠特拉姆工党政府福利建设论析

福利政策一直是澳大利亚工党社会政策的支柱,并成为其执政时一面永不褪色的旗帜。1949年工党政府下台后,在野长达23年,社会福利在很大程度上也被忽视。工党领袖惠特拉姆在1972年上台后,进行了广泛干预和社会改良,基本上完成了澳大利亚全国性的保障框架的建设,也使许多弱势社会群体的生活状况得到改善。但工党政府福利建设的庞大及面临的一系列困难使其效果和作用大打折扣。     

Special Interests,Regulatory Quality,and the Pesticides Overload

Pesticides overuse is a serious threat to ecosystems and wildlife, human health, and agricultural sustainability. So far, however, social scientists have not produced systematic evidence on the political–economic determinants of pesticides overuse. We argue that the agrochemical industry, as a profit‐motivated interest group, will only mobilize politically to avoid reductions in pesticides use when regulatory institutions are potentially capable of correcting a market failure. If regulatory institutions are weakened by corruption or other factors, pesticides overuse occurs with or without the influence of the agrochemical industry. We test this interactive theory systematically against quantitative data on pesticides use in 24 Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development countries, 1991–2003. Using corruption and other indicators to capture bureaucratic quality, we find substantively large and statistically robust interactive effects. The agrochemical industry is a crucial determinant of pesticides use in nations with low corruption, whereas the agrochemical industry has no effect on pesticides use under corrupt regulatory institutions. Troublingly, these results imply that reduced corruption may not improve actual regulatory effectiveness unless political institutions can somehow constrain the influence of special interests.     

构建少数民族地区社会稳定长效机制的战略意义

构建少数民族地区社会稳定长效机制,是根据少数民族地区社会关系发展规律和维稳工作规律,探索维护少数民族地区社会稳定长期效应的工作机理及其制度体系的一项重要工作。对保持少数民族地区长治久安、民族团结、经济发展与社会和谐具有重要意义。