非营利组织参与公共政策的探讨

公民的政策参与是现代的公共政策的基石。尤其是非营利组织兴起以来,这种参与由公民的个体参与转变为组织性的活动。非营利组织在公共政策的制定过程中也越来越占据重要地位,虽然它本身还有很多局限性。作为公共政策的制定者——政府,应该积极主动的为非营利组织的发展创造良好的环境,并主动吸取非营利组织参与政策制定。     

新农村视野下的新型农民合作经济组织发展研究

从国外的发展经验和我国的实际看,大力推进农业产业化,发展农民合作经济组织是实现农业现代化、建设社会主义新农村的最佳途径。     

城市弱势群体贫困的政策分析

城市弱势群体的贫困问题在世界各国都是普遍存在的。如由于农村人口涌入城市形成贫民窟、因为经济不景气导致大量失业等等。但我国城市贫困的形成原因却有所不同,我国城市贫困问题的主要原因是社会转型时期政策失误。具体表现为相关政策的缺位以及已有政策中存在的诸多不合理。     

国家与乡村社会关系的演绎与1959-1961年的农业危机

1959-1961年的农业危机是在国家控制力极强、乡村社会自治性极弱的政治格局下,基层民众被迫执行国家一系列非理性政策的结果.近代以来,国家政权建设表现为单方面的国家权力下沉态势,地方社会的自治性不断削弱.随着1949年新政权的建立,国家对乡村社会的控制达到前所未有的规模与深度,二者演变为控制与被控制、挤压与被挤压的极端不对等关系.在此状态下,国家权力极度扩张而发生非理性的行为,乡村社会"缓冲地带"消融,面对外界的过度索取失去免疫力,无力抵抗,最终酿成农业危机.     

美国劳动法上雇用自由原则的公共政策例外:形成、实践与反思

公共政策例外是美国各州法院司法实务中形成的普通法例外,它构成了对美国传统劳动法上雇用自由原则的限制。该例外的适用,为那些因拒绝从事违反公共政策行为而遭解雇的员工提供了侵权法上的诉因。由于法院在适用该例外时对公共政策的涵义和法源存在不同认识,因而导致司法判决的不统一,对全面保护劳动者权益造成不利影响。为了改变这种状况,应当通过对法律的明文规定探求公共政策的法源,并在此基础上扩大公共政策例外在不当解雇案件中的适用。     

论刑事政策的演进与和谐社会刑事政策构建

刑事政策是在不断发展变化之中的。社会主义和谐社会刑事政策的价值取向是追求社会和谐和科学发展,指导思想是以人为本,关注人性,重视个性。主要内容包括宽严相济、保护人权、恢复性司法,实施主体包括国家及其司法机关、社会组织。和谐社会刑事政策需要在刑事立法、刑事司法、刑事预防各个层面加以深入贯彻。     

Migration and Healthcare Reforms in Spain: Symbolic Politics,Converging Outputs,Oppositions from the Field

ABSTRACT

Migrants’ healthcare entitlement represents a conflictive issue in the political battlefield, with research pointing towards the determinant role of party politics in determining policy outputs. Addressing the 2012 healthcare reform and 2018 counter-reform adopted in Spain by a right-wing and left-wing government respectively and drawing on qualitative analysis of parties’ discourses and policy measures, we argue that ideological differences along the healthcare-migration nexus were overemphasised to play symbolic politics. Partisan competition had less impact on actual outputs, while clashes between the central and regional governments, path-dependent practices and opposition from multiple venues played a central role in the policymaking process.     

Indispensable,yet Invisible: Drinking water management as a local political issue in Swedish municipalities

ABSTRACT

Local policy-makers’ incentives to address an issue is conditioned by how they perceive public attention. Our study focuses on drinking water management at the municipal level in Sweden. Provisioning and management of drinking water is a responsibility of the local governments. Interviews with local politicians and public administrators in seven municipalities reveal that local policy-makers think that citizens view provisioning of drinking water as a taken for granted service, and also lack knowledge of and interest in drinking water issues. Public attention is further seen as a double-edged sword since engagement in water issues often is a result of problems with water provision. The findings are discussed from a theoretical perspective of the role of agenda-setting in public policy. It is argued that the view of policy-makers of citizens as unengaged negatively affects the incentives to bring drinking water to a prominent place on the local policy agenda.     

Can non-democracies support international democracy? Turkey as a case study

Abstract

In recent years, there has been a rise of interest in the concept of autocracy promotion, with scholars questioning whether the efforts by authoritarian governments to influence political transitions beyond their borders are necessarily pro-authoritarian. An extension of this question is whether some authoritarian governments may at times find it in their interest to support democracy abroad. This article aims to answer this question by focusing on the case of Turkey. It argues that, despite its rapidly deteriorating democracy since the late 2000s, Turkey has undertaken democracy support policies with the explicit goal of democratic transition in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region during the Arab Spring and, while not bearing the intention of democratic transition, has employed democracy support instruments in the form of state-building in sub-Saharan Africa since 2005 to the present day. Based on original fieldwork, the article finds that non-democracies can turn out as democracy supporters, if and when opportunities for strategic gains from democratisation abroad arise. The article further suggests that even in those cases where strategic interests do not necessitate regime change, a non-democracy may still deploy democracy support instruments to pursue its narrow interests, without adhering to an agenda for democratic transition.