我国涉外军事诉讼制度探析

涉外军事诉讼制度是军事司法制度的重要组成部分,它具有犯罪主体的单一性、管辖机关的特定性、法律依据的广泛性等特征;体现了诸如国家主权、平等对等、恪守国际条约、使用中国语言文字诉讼、指定或委托中国律师参加诉讼一系列特殊原则.除平时程序外,在战时条件下该制度还应体现管辖权下放、适用战俘审判、以及案件审理的保密性等特点.     

组织间不信任与替代性武装力量：拉美国家废除军队的政治逻辑

军队是国家权力的关键指标,也是绝大多数主权国家不可或缺的有机构成,在国内政治与国际关系领域都发挥着重要作用。然而,世界上仍存在少数主动废除军队的国家。引人关注的是,这类案例大多集中在拉美地区。对于这些拉美国家为何废除军队,既有研究主要从小国视角和军政关系视角出发,认为国家规模与国家安全之关联性和去军事化改革是基本逻辑依据。然而对拉美具体案例而言,这些理论范式的解释性仍存在一定欠缺。考察哥斯达黎加和海地案例可知,组织间不信任与替代性武装力量强弱是拉美特定国家废除军队的基本政治逻辑;获得可信的武装力量支持是新政权得以巩固的必要条件。当新政府与既有军队之间出现组织间不信任时,新政府便倾向于谋求用其他武装力量来替代既有军队。同时,替代性武装力量的强弱影响着政府的替代决策。若不存在可信的替代性武装力量,或只存在弱替代性武装力量,那么废除军队并建立或扶植一些原先较弱的武装组织便成为拉美国家政府强化武装力量控制的常见选择。     

论武装冲突法中的区分原则

区分原则是武装冲突法的一项重要原则,其核心是保护平民。在现代战争中,两用目标的模糊性、适用范围的局限性、战斗员的制服问题、非对称战争的冲击等致使区分原则面临困境,并使其有被修正的必要。修正的区分原则要求冲突各方必须考虑攻击目标与武装冲突的潜在联系,并将这种个体考量与"自愿"这个因素结合起来。     

现代国际武装冲突的社会学视野

社会学家对国际武装冲突的社会动因、社会后果及其社会控制理论进行了长期的探索,为我们研究现代国际武装冲突提供了丰富的理论借鉴.但国际社会依然存在着武装冲突的潜在因素,国际社会应当采取多种措施控制战争,尤其是加强对国际危机的管理,建立国际危机的早期预警系统,“缓和冲突”、积极促进人类和平事业的发展.     

我军实施海上封锁作战的若干国际法问题

根据国际法有关规定,海上封锁作为一种作战手段和作战方法,只要在封锁中遵循国际人道主义法关于对作战手段和作战方法的限制,在国内武装冲突中实施海上封锁同样合法.而在我军实施海上封锁作战时,首先要根据我军的海上实力,在尽可能保证足够水面舰艇兵力的基础上,采取"指定航道"的封锁方法,以保证"封锁的实效性";其次,要根据敌舰船的不同情况,对破坏封锁的舰船进行具体认定、作出不同处置;再次,对敌进行封锁时,不能阻止国际社会对平民、伤者及战争受难者给予的国际人道主义援助.     

State disintegration and power politics in post-Suharto Indonesia

This article illustrates how discourses on ‘state fragility’ have been instrumentalised by the Indonesian military in order to consolidate its political and economic power after the fall of Suharto. In the wake of Indonesia’s transition to democracy violent conflicts escalated in East Timor, Aceh, Papua, the Moluccas and Sulawesi. Most notably East Timor’s successful secession spawned fears over the potential ‘balkanisation’ of Indonesia. In this context the Indonesian military, which had been shunned for its involvement in Suharto’s New Order, managed to re-establish itself as the ‘guardian of the nation’. Based on fieldwork in Indonesia, the article describes how post-9/11 discourses over a potential break-up of Indonesia were used by the Indonesian military to reconsolidate its power in the post-Suharto era. The research findings illustrate that, against the looming threat of state disintegration, attempts to revoke the military’s prerogatives have either failed or have been aborted during the planning stages.     

Sexual violence in armed conflicts: research progress and remaining gaps

Research on conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) has grown rapidly over the last decade. This article consolidates existing social science research on CSRV according to two lines of inquiry: its causes and its consequences. Overall, research has considerably advanced our knowledge of the causes of CRSV, particularly in four aspects: purpose, context, individual motives and intra-group dynamics. However, there is a need to better understand the societal consequences of CRSV, in particular how it affects relations in families, and within and between communities. Overall there remains a shortage of empirical, in particular mixed-method, designs to produce research which is relevant for policymakers and practitioners.     

Cuba’s Ministry of Interior: The FAR’s Fifth Army

Since the beginning of the Cuban Revolution, Raúl Castro and his Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) has sought to maintain at least operational control over state security, i.e., the Ministry of Interior (Minint). Between 1960 and 1989 FAR and Minint competed for resources and for the attention of the Revolution’s supreme leader, Fidel Castro. In 1989 Raúl Castro was finally able to achieve his objective of absorbing Minint’s operational missions, namely domestic security, when, after a series of crises associated with the end of the Cold War, corruption scandals in Minint, and indiscretions by the Minint leadership, Fidel acquiesced and allowed Raúl and FAR to purge Minint and take control of state security.     

对中缅边境管理中与缅甸地方民族武装势力开展警务合作的思考

中缅两国建交多年以来 ,双方在和平共处五项原则的基础上共同维护边境安全 ,增进了双方的胞波情谊 ,促进了双边贸易的发展。然而 ,由于与我云南接壤段缅方地方民族武装势力的存在 ,给双方的边境安全、出入境管理和边境地区治安管理等增加了复杂性和特殊性。加强与缅方地方民族武装势力在边境管理中的双边警务合作 ,具有极其重要的现实意义和非常深远的历史影响     

Militarizing civilians in Singapore: preparing for ‘Crisis’ within a calibrated nationalism1

The Singaporean polity has created the ‘militarized civilian’. This policy phenomenon beckons the question: How is this cross-fertilization carried out in Singapore's civil–military relations? Militarization is in the first sense meant to inculcate a calibrated dual personality within the civilian whereby being an effective soldier requires indulging in simulated military suffering as a badge of pride; at the same time, the citizen soldier has to believe that military and civilian values are perfectly interchangeable and contribute equally to the maintenance of peace. In a second sense, militarization is equally about permanently ritualizing sacrifices for a communitarian defence. We argue that while mostly successful, militarization also produces the tension arising from the need to appear pugnaciously vigilant while avoiding the casualties that must logically arise from heightened simulated combat. This tension is explained through two dimensions of ongoing crises: the parameters of a politically dramatized National Service ritual; and the constant propaganda of geopolitical dangers threatening the Republic.