Drug Views

Abstract

Substance abuse is a significant social problem and political issue. Students at a Midwestern university were surveyed on their drug views. The findings suggest that race is a statistically significant factor on students' views toward drugs. White students were more likely than non-Whites to view drugs as a pressing social issue, to consider drug use as a character weakness, and to support a punitive response to drug use. In contrast, non-Whites were more likely than Whites to view drug abuse as an illness, to support treatment as a response, to be tolerant of marijuana use, and to support legalization of marijuana. Both groups of students considered alcohol a dangerous drug. Differences associated with race remained statistically significant in multivariate analysis after controlling for age, academic standing, political affiliation, and religiosity.     

Beyond elections: perceptions of democracy in four Arab countries

This article draws on public opinion survey data from Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan to investigate first, whether a “demand for democracy” in the region exists; second, how to measure it; and third, how respondents understand it. The picture emerging from this analysis is complex, eluding the simple dichotomy between prima facie support and second order incongruence with democracy, which characterises current debates. Respondents have a more holistic understanding of democracy than is found in current scholarship or indeed pursued by Western or regional policymakers, valuing civil-political rights but prioritizing socio-economic rights. There is broad consensus behind principles of gender equality, but indirect questions reveal the continuing influence of conservative and patriarchal attitudes. Respondents value religion, but do not trust religious leaders or want them to meddle in elections or government. Moreover, while there is broad support for conventionally-understood pillars of liberal democracy (free elections, a parliamentary system), there is also a significant gap between those who support democracy as the best political system in principle and those who also believe it is actually suitable for their country.     

Prospective lawyers’ rape stereotypes and schematic decision making about rape cases

Abstract

Two studies explored stereotypic information processing in rape cases by prospective lawyers in Germany. In Study 1, 451 undergraduate law students rated rape scenarios varying with respect to defendant–complainant relationship and coercive strategy (force versus exploitation of the complainant's alcohol-induced defencelessness). Acceptance of rape myths was also measured. Likelihood of defendant liability was rated to be lower when there was a prior relationship between the parties and when the defendant exploited the complainant's defencelessness as compared to when he used force (except in the ex-partner rapes where blame was higher in the alcohol-related than in the force-related cases). Complainant blame was higher when there was a prior relationship between the parties and was higher in the alcohol-related cases than in the force-related cases, except in the ex-partner rape where the pattern was reversed. Participants with high rape myth acceptance held the defendant less liable and blamed the complainant more, especially when the two had known each other. Study 2 largely replicated these findings with 129 postgraduate trainee lawyers and showed that sentencing recommendations also varied as a function of defendant–complainant relationship and coercive strategy. Providing participants with the legal definition of rape did not reduce reliance on rape stereotypes.     

Attitudes towards sex offenders regarding competency,liability, voluntariness of offence,and disposal: the influence of being classified as having a learning disability

Abstract

The principal aim of this study was to investigate whether attitudes towards judicial competency, legal liability, voluntariness of offence and judicial disposal options were influenced by known classification of an offender as learning disabled compared to an offender with a suggested intellectual disability, but not formally classified. Subsidiary aims were to explore participant attitudes based upon group membership and parental status. The sample consisted of 101 participants (69 undergraduate nursing students and 32 from the general population). Participants were requested to complete a questionnaire assessing their attitudes within the aforementioned domains and towards ascribed levels of victim parental responsibility. Fifty participants completed a questionnaire designed for the purpose of the study where the offence scenario depicted made reference to the offender having a formal classification of learning disability. Fifty-one participants completed the same questionnaire where an intellectual disability was suggested but not formally stated in the form of classification. Results indicated that classification did significantly influence attitudes in most domains irrespective of group. The nursing group attributed greater levels of competency to the offenders depicted. No interactions between variables were observed. The reasons for and implications of these findings, limitations and recommendations for future research are explored.     

Fueling the Fire: Violent Metaphors,Trait Aggression,and Support for Political Violence

The recent concurrence of violent political rhetoric and violence against political targets in the U.S. and abroad has raised public concern about the effects of language on citizens. Building from theoretical foundations in aggression research, I fielded two nationally representative survey experiments and a third local experiment preceding the 2010 midterm elections to investigate support for violence against political authority. Subjects were randomly assigned to view one of two forms of the same political advertisements. Across all three experiments, mild violent metaphors multiply support for political violence among aggressive citizens, especially among young adults. Aggressive personality traits also predict support for political violence in both national studies. This work identifies dynamic roots of violent political orientations and reveals for the first time surprising interactions between this elite discourse and personality traits in citizens.     

Ethnic Group Representation in a Cross-National Comparison

This paper compares the levels of ethnic group representation in parliament in 95 democracies. The analyses are comparative in nature, breaking with the literature where single country studies are the norm. Considering both electoral and cultural variables, the results cast doubt on whether the role of the electoral system in shaping political representation is dominant. In contrast to what much of the literature suggests, once controlling for the ethnic make-up of society and cultural attitudes, electoral aspects seem of little significance. Levels of ethnic group representation are best explained with cultural variables, in particular liberal attitudes towards marginalised groups in society.     

Values and Religiosity as Predictors of Engagement in Social Justice

Some researchers have suggested that values, including religious values and motivations, might facilitate social justice work. Individuals might view social justice work as an expression of religious beliefs, values, and practices, or as an expression of their personal morals and values. The current study examined the role of religious variables and secular values to predict attitudes, intentions to engage in social justice, perceived norms around social justice, and perceived ability to engage in social justice within a culturally and religiously diverse student population. Implications of the study results for social justice education are presented and discussed.     

铸造"道德形象"实施"自我管理"

“形象管理”是21世纪企业管理的重要主题。可以从人生有“三戒”、树立良好的管理形象以及“三贵之道”与礼仪文明诸方面，系统阐述儒家“德性”智慧与塑造企业家“形象管理”之间的联系。     

Welfare state, unemployment, and social justice: Judgments on the rights and obligations of the unemployed

This article reports judgments on the rights and obligations of the unemployed in The Netherlands. A large majority of the Dutch population is shown to support (i) the unemployed’s right to social security as well as their obligation to work, (ii) the principle that declining a job offering should be punished, and (iii) harsh sanctions in some specific cases of job refusal. An emphasis on the obligation to work results from conservative attitudes regarding both distributive justice (economic conservatism) and retributive justice (cultural conservatism). Furthermore, conservative attitudes regarding distributive justice derive from a privileged economic position (especially high income and infrequent experience of unemployment), whereas conservative attitudes regarding retributive justice result from a restricted cultural position (low level of education, technical rather than cultural type of education, and limited involvement in arts and culture).