解读阿列克西的宪法权利规范水平效力理论

阿列克西的宪法权利理论是有关公民宪法权利规范司法适用的理论,是有关公民之间宪法权利冲突与权衡的理论,因此该理论必然是有关宪法权利规范在公民之间进行司法适用的水平效力理论。因此,为使该理论能够成立,阿列克西一定要对其宪法权利规范水平效力的途径、内容、程度与合理性等问题进行理论上的建构。他的宪法权利规范水平效力建构的"三层次"说,是在德国的司法实践和学界的"客观价值辐射理论"和"三种模式"建构基础上所进行的整合与重构,具有很大的独特性、涵盖性与合理性。     

大学生党员保持纯洁性的必要性及实现途径

大学生党员是党的队伍的鲜活力量,是中华民族繁荣发展的重要后备力量,抓好大学生党员队伍纯洁性建设,是高校党的建设的基础工程,也是国家大业后继有人的根本保障。大学生党员队伍纯洁,对青年学生健康成长具有重要的带动示范作用,对和谐校园建设具有重要的引领导向作用。保持大学生党员的纯洁性要从入口抓起,规范大学生的入党程序;要进一步加强高校基层党务工作者队伍建设,提高党务工作者的素质;要加强大学生党员在校学习和工作期间的作风建设,保持大学生党员的纯洁性;要丰富大学生党员的校园文化生活,开创大学生党建的新形势。     

构建党的执政能力评估体系设想

加强党的执政能力评估,必须创设专门的综合评估机构、发挥公民的主导性作用、重视社会独立评估机构的意见;构建以政党领袖的权威、党的组织结构、党的自身制度建设、政党成员的素质和忠实程度、政党成员的数量等为主要指标的内部评估体系和以政党的竞争力、影响立法机构的能力、获得公众支持的能力、领导政府工作的能力、组织管理第三部门的能力等为主要指标的外部评估体系。党的执政能力评估必须逐步规范化、制度化。     

“群众性政党”的提出与中共四大的作用

"群众性政党"的目标,出于共产国际四大。由于当时中国共产党尚处于幼年 时期,党的力量和影响都不大,因而遭到共产国际代表马林的轻视,反对将中国共产党建 设成群众性的政党,并把中国革命的希望寄托于国民党身上。中共四大根据建设群众性政 党的目标,加强了党的建设,使党开始走上群众性政党的道路。"五卅"运动的成功,标志着 中国共产党发展成为群众性的政党。     

Electoral Reform as an Engine of Party System Change in Italy

Abstract

After more than forty years of proportional representation, in 1991 Italy embarked on a period of electoral law revision. The ongoing debate about how to engineer an electoral system capable of producing the preferred political outcomes stands out against the stasis in constitutional reform, most recently demonstrated in the rejection by popular referendum of Matteo Renzi’s package of reforms. The extent to which the different electoral reforms have had an impact on Italian politics, especially following the 2005 electoral legislation, can be evaluated by analysing the changing Italian party system over the past decade and beyond in terms of its morphology, dynamics, and party/parliamentary group switching. The 2005 electoral reform has had a clear effect on Italian politics and on the party system, but that effect is unlikely to endure given the highly controversial new electoral law that came into force in 2017.     

Two elections and a political regime in crisis: Turkish politics at the crossroads

Turkey had its fourth National Assembly elections on 7 June 2015 in the twenty-first century and this time they resulted in a hung parliament. The efforts at establishing a coalition government failed and the country moved to a snap, ‘repeat’ election on 1 November 2015. This paper focuses on how the voters registered their party preferences almost 5 months apart in the same legislative general elections and why. Using the same sample and interviewing those who lived at the same addresses as those in the ISSP Citizenship survey conducted February to April 2015 and again in October 2015, a panel data-set was constructed. A theoretical framework for voting behaviour that uses party identification, political ideology, ethnic, religious, social class identities and perceptions of the performance of the economy of the respondents to understand what factors help to influence the party preferences of the same respondents 5 months apart. A multivariate (binary logistic regression) analysis of the pre-June and October 2015 data sets revealed that economic voting had been the predominant factor in the June elections, but security concerns also interacted with popular economic evaluations in the November 2015 elections to reinstall the AKP to power.     

Militancy and parliamentary representation in Chile, 1849–79. Notes for a prosopographical study of the chamber of deputies

SUMMARY

This article provides a political and social characterization of Chilean deputies in the second half of the nineteenth century. It covers 11 parliamentary elections ranging from 1849, the first election under a relatively recognizable party system to 1879, the last election before the consequences of the War of the Pacific (1879–84) altered the local political landscape. The study of parliamentarians is based on a prosopography derived from the analysis of 405 deputies, and in this case is limited to three criteria: place of birth, profession or occupation, and age of entry into parliament. The latter criterion is a key one, because the authors focus only on members who joined congress for the first time over a period of 30 years. One of the main hypotheses of this article suggests that from the 1861 election congress experienced changes in its composition, allowing the entrance of actors who had hitherto not been part of congress.     

Party System Change in Italy: Politicising the EU and the Rise of Eccentric Parties

Using expert survey data covering the 2001–13 period, this article investigates the changing shape and structure of the Italian policy space over time, as well as parties’ shifting policy positions. Our results show the emergence of a distinct pro-/anti-EU (European Union) dimension structuring party competition and a change in the meaning of EU related attitudes. The increasing importance of the pro-/anti-EU dimension is due to the entry of brand new parties in 2013. Our findings also speak to the Euroscepticism literature, as they question the hypothesis according to which Euroscepticism is confined to peripheral parties located at the extremes on the left–right scale.     

辅导员在高校学生党建工作中发挥作用的路径分析

新时期,高校学生党建工作出现了一些新的挑战和困难。辅导员作为学生管理、教育的一线工作者,是高校学生党建工作的重要力量。如何充分体现辅导员的优势,发挥其积极作用,切实推进高校学生党建工作健康深入开展,值得我们作深入研究。     

共产党人必须学习马克思主义理论——兼论列宁对建设学习型政党的探索及当代启示

列宁在领导俄国无产阶级革命和苏维埃建设的过程中,在一系列文献中多次强调共产党人必须努力学习马克思主义的基本理论,坚定革命信念。列宁指出,马克思主义是马克思的观点和学说的体系,它的内涵主要包括它的三个组成部分以及无产阶级斗争的策略。马克思主义的本质特点表现为它极其彻底而严整、它是方法而不是教条、它是革命的和批判的。因此,列宁号召共产党人必须学习和掌握马克思主义,把马克思主义作为工人运动的旗帜。列宁的这一思想对我党正在进行的学习型政党建设具有重要的启示意义。