加强基层组织建设 构建和谐新农村——万山特区高楼坪乡基层组织建设新探索

万山特区高楼坪乡在加强农村基层组织建设的实践中,用开拓创新的精神大胆探索。从基层组织设置形式,选好配强村级领导班子,实行任期目标管理,加强村企互动等方面,探索出了一套切合实际,行之有效的工作方法。     

党的历史方位与功能建设

中国共产党的历史方位正在发生深刻变化，突出地表现在党已经由革命党变为执政党，由局部执政变为全国范围内执政并将长期执政，由受到外部封锁到实行对外开放，由实行计划经济到发展市场经济，由革命斗争到领导国家建设和现代化建设。历史方位的变化，对党的功能产生了深刻的影响。正确认识执政党的功能定位，雄进执政党的功能建设，有利于执政党系统与国家系统、社会系统的物质、能量、信息的交换。     

从利益关系看执政党的群众基础

执政党的群众基础是一个典型的转型期问题。从利益关系角度看,这一问题的形成最根本的在于,随着经济一社会转轨而来的利益分化、利益来源多样化,执政党在社会资源掌握、分配上的地位发生了变化。近年来,社会上围绕党的群众基础问题有不少说法,我们必须从“现实—历史”、“市场—国家”和“中国—世界”等多个向度,来选择与确认转型期执政党的群众基础。执政党要通过利益整合,健全和完善转型期群众基础的巩固机制,寻求新的角色定位。     

船舶油污损害赔偿中的诉讼主体问题

重点讨论我国船舶油污损害赔偿中经常遇到的两个关键性问题,即谁有权利代表国家提出请求?谁有责任对污染损害进行赔偿?认为在通常情况下只有海洋主管部门有权代表国家提出污染损害赔偿请求,而赔偿主体则通常不仅包括实际漏油船,还应包括货主。     

类似被告诉讼地位的第三人诉讼权利义务及其法律责任探析

第三人是行政诉讼制度中一个颇具争议且比较复杂的理论和实践问题。如何对第三人的种类进行科学的划分,进而确定他们各自的权利义务及法律责任,是摆在行政法学界一个亟待解决的难题。本文通过把行政诉讼第三人与原告、被告的权利义务进行比较,以行政诉讼第三人有无行使或参与行使行政权为标准,把行政诉讼第三人分为类似原告诉讼地位的第三人和类似被告诉讼地位的第三人。在此基础上详细探讨了类似被告诉讼地位的第三人的诉讼权利义务及其法律责任。     

Propping up dictators? Economic cooperation from China and its impact on authoritarian persistence in party and non‐party regimes

This article investigates how China's economic cooperation affects authoritarian persistence elsewhere. For the period 1998–2008, the article assesses quantitatively whether the effects of economic cooperation from China vary, conditioned by the regime type of the recipient. The analysis finds that China's economic cooperation is associated with regime durability in party‐based regimes. In non‐party regimes, in contrast, it is associated with regime collapse.     

It's all relative: Spatial positioning of parties and ideological shifts

The usefulness of the general class of spatial econometric models, which relaxes the assumption that the observations are independent, has only recently been realised. One particularly fruitful application includes models of parties' ideological change as well as the electoral consequences of party competition. In these studies, scholars can explicitly model the spatial interconnectedness of political parties in theoretically pleasing ways, producing inferences that are consistent with formal models of party competition, but are beyond the grasp of traditional ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models. To illustrate these benefits, this article replicates Adams and Somer‐Topcu's 2009 study of parties' responses to ideological shifts by rival parties to show that appropriately modeling patterns of interconnectivity between parties via weights matrices provides more realistic inferences that are more consistent with formal models of party competition.     

Income inequality,electoral systems and party polarisation

This study analyses why income inequality and party polarisation proceed together in some countries but not in others. By focusing on the relationship between income inequality, the permissiveness of electoral systems and party polarisation, the study offers a theoretical explanation for how the combination of income inequality and permissive electoral systems generates higher party polarisation. After analysing a cross‐national dataset of party polarisation, income inequality and electoral institutions covering 24 advanced democracies between 1960 and 2011, it is found that a simple correlation between income inequality and party polarisation is not strong. However, the empirical results indicate that greater income inequality under permissive electoral systems contributes to growing party polarisation, which suggests that parties only have diverging ideological platforms due to greater income inequality when electoral systems encourage their moves towards the extreme; parties do not diverge when electoral systems discourage their moves towards the extreme.     

The Troubled Quest for National Political Leadership in Fiji

Abstract

The tendency for ethnic conflict to dominate political life has impeded attempts to achieve leadership and equitable government for the multi-ethnic nation and caused crises of political instability. A review of the past attempts to achieve national leadership through electoral competition illuminates the historical context of the turbulent political process of the last decade. Overcoming the impasse of ethnic conflict is the central objective of the military-based regime which continues to rule following the first parliament elections since the 2006 coup against an ethno-nationalist government and the first based on a full common franchise and the prohibition of invidious ethnic appeals in campaigning. Inter-ethnic cooperation and cross-ethnic voting were stronger features than in past elections and perhaps augur well for achievement of the elusive broad-based national leadership.     

毛泽东建党思想的中国文化特质

毛泽东建党思想从根本上说是马克思主义建党学说与中国革命实践相结合的产物;同时,毛泽东批判地继承和吸收了中国传统文化中的精华,加以改造创新,形成了具有中国作风和中国气派的无产阶级建党思想.毛泽东在扬弃和超越中延续了中国传统文化的生命力.