从形式回归走向实质回归——对婚姻法与民法关系的再思考

以《民法通则》的颁布为标志,从立法上宣告了我国婚姻法向民法的回归。婚姻家庭关系在本质上是一种私的关系,无论是从婚姻法的角度还是从民法的角度,都可以得出婚姻法属于民法（私法）以及民法（私法）包含婚姻法的结论。长期以来,婚姻法向民法的回归仅仅停留于形式,由此制约了婚姻法学的纵深发展,也妨碍了私法体系的统一完整。在法典化的背景下,实现婚姻法向民法的实质性回归,是关于婚姻法与民法关系的唯一正解,也是制定具有逻辑性、体系性和科学性的中国民法典的必由之路。     

民办高校教师科研能力的提升与可持续发展

目前,关于民办高校可持续发展问题的研究成果较多,但探讨民办高校教师科研能力提升对民办高校可持续发展影响的研究少见于文献。从阐述教师科研能力的提升对民办高校可持续发展的意义入手,分析了民办高校教师科研能力落后的原因,从国家层面、学校层面、教师层面提出了提升教师科研能力,实现民办高校可持续发展的对策。     

在线纠纷解决机制的困境和对策

ODR机制作为一种新生的纠纷解决方式，其在解决小额的、当事人间物理距离遥远的网络民事纠纷方面具有特别优势。而ODR机制存在着受理案件的有限性、提供救济方式的有限性、技术工具的双刃性等价值定位缺陷；存在着信任性不足、接近性难等实务利用缺陷；存在着程序被滥用、实践标准混乱等制度设计缺陷。ODR机制价值定位存在的缺陷是ODR本身所固有的，无法克服；实务利用缺陷和制度设计缺陷则可以通过相应的对策予以消减甚至消除。     

论对“公法人”民事强制执行的限度

对政府等公法人作为被执行人的民事执行案件中存在两难的选择:一方面如果对公法人实施强制执行，则可能有碍公法人公共管理职能的实现，损及公共利益；另一方面如若不能对公法人实施强制执行，则会导致私权无法实现，有损司法权威。因而，为平衡私权之实现与公益之维护，对政府等公法人的执行须遵循必要的限度，给予其“规则礼遇”。对公法人财产的执行，以不影响公务推行为限度；对公法人执行程序的适用，应以维护其良好的信用和权威为保障；对公法人执行措施的适用，应考虑其依法行政的特殊主体地位和有序、高效推行公务，履行公务的履职要求，应限制适用间接执行措施。     

Military Integration,Demobilization, and the Recurrence of Civil War

ABSTRACT

Peace agreements often include provisions for the military integration of the conflict parties, involving an increase in government forces, and at the same time requesting demobilization and thus a reduction of military personnel. Depending on the modalities and magnitude both can be strong signals of a commitment to the peace process. However, tensions between these two concepts can also endanger post-conflict stability. The empirical analyses of 77 post-conflict societies show that civil war is more likely to recur if rebel forces are kept separate during the military integration process and if the military plays an important role in post-conflict economies.     

书法与公务员素质培养

法作为中国人文素质的基础和精髓，历来为政府官员所重视，并已成为官员必备素质之一，该文通过梳理分析和归纳总结后得出，书法对当今公务员的素质培养具有重要意义，分别为：通过“以字正心”，端正思想行为；丰富文化知识，提升综合修养；提高书写水平，便于日常应用；广交各界朋友，抵制不良爱好；凝神静气挥毫，有益健康长寿。     

Nationalism and the Rise of Peru's General Velasco

Velasco's brand of military nationalism marked a real break from the orientation of the majority of Peruvian military regimes, which were pro‐United States and espoused limited government. Many attempts have been made to explain this outcome, but the release of documents from British and United States archives clarify certain issues. Above all, Velasco's use of the nationalist card enabled him to win over decisive support from both the military and political society. This support gave him sufficient leverage to consolidate his personal position, which he did before launching a major programme of domestic property expropriation.     

PAKISTAN’S CRISIS OF GOVERNANCE AND THE RESURGENCE OF TERRORIST VIOLENCE SINCE AUGUST 2016

Fifteen years since joining the US-led anti-terrorism coalition, Pakistan’s response to the challenges of terroristic violence and extremist indoctrination and propaganda remain military-centric and kinetic. Since August 2016, after a brief lull, Pakistan has experienced a resurgence of terrorist activity and violence that has struck all of its provinces and placed its capital on high alert. The re-escalation in the level of terrorist violence began with the August 8, 2016, attacks in Quetta, which left over 70 dead and more than 100 injured. The lack of response from the provincial and federal governments to this carnage, led the Supreme Court of Pakistan to exercise its authority under Article 184(3) of the Constitution and establish an Inquiry Commission to examine the state of the investigation and report on the challenges faced in the struggle against terrorism and extremism. This inquiry assumed the form and substance of an audit of the performance of Pakistan’s institutions and exposed the link between the country’s crisis of governance and its incoherent response to terrorism and extremism at all levels of government. The implications of the inquiry report are both broad and deep, and reveal that Pakistan’s trajectory remains that of civilian administrative breakdown and institutional exhaustion. This indicates that Pakistan’s civilian-military balance continues to shift in structural terms in favour of the latter and that beneath a veneer of constitutional democracy, the arbitrary, unwise, and inefficient, exercise of power by the political class continues to hollow out the country’s administrative institutions.     

Civil society and state-centred struggles

This article is about civil society and state-centred struggles in contemporary Zimbabwe. I first identify and outline three current understandings of civil society. Two understandings (one Liberal, one Radical) are state-centric and exist firmly within the logic of state discourses and state politics. A third understanding, also Radical, is society-centric and speaks about politics existing at a distance from the state and possibly beyond the boundaries of civil society. This civil society-state discussion frames the second section of the article, which looks specifically at Zimbabwe. It details civil society as contested terrain (from the late 1990s onwards) within the context of a scholarly debate about agrarian transformation and political change. This debate, which reproduces (in theoretical garb) the key political society (or party) fault-lines within Zimbabwean society, has taken place primarily within the restricted confines of state-centred discourses.     

Is It Time to Reform the Dual-Track Pension System?

正Civil servants’pensions is an issue that has long been debated in China.In spite of the fact that pensions for enterprise employees have been rising continuously for the past seven years,their benefits are much lower than that of their civil servant peers.There exists an increasingly widening gap between civil servants’pensions and those of other workers.Recently,the microblog account of the newspaper People’s Daily published an article,which says that civil servants’pensions sur-