Race,ethnicity, and social change: The democratization of middle‐class crime*

Since the mid‐1970s, the percentage of non‐White people convicted of white‐collar type crimes in the federal judicial system has been growing steadily. In 2015, non‐Whites accounted for more than half of all convictions for certain white‐collar type crimes, but the increase in non‐White participation has not occurred evenly across all race and ethnic groups. Asians and Latinos have increased their participation in white‐collar crime more so than Blacks. Using data from the U.S. Sentencing Commission, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, and the U.S. Census, we investigate whether the differential increase among race and ethnic groups in white‐collar type crimes can be explained by their differential increase in middle‐class occupations. The findings have implications for opportunity, cultural, and race‐centered perspectives on crime, as well as institutional anomie theory, and they suggest that low‐level white‐collar crimes are being democratized along lines of race and ethnicity.     

Pink‐Collar Representation and Budgetary Outcomes in US States

Legislatures worldwide are dominated by wealthy elites, who are often out of touch with the needs and problems of citizens. Research shows that the underrepresentation of the working class matters in terms of policy processes and outcomes. Yet the research on class has largely focused on blue‐collar representatives, who are primarily men. Working‐class women are more likely to hold pink‐collar jobs, or low‐status occupations dominated by women. We argue that pink‐collar legislators are uniquely positioned to legislate over education and social service policy. To test our argument, we combine a new coding of working‐class backgrounds that accounts for pink‐collar representation with state spending data on education and social services from US states over time. Modeling compositional budget data, we find that class and gender intersect to shape policy outcomes via state budget allocations, with women's pink‐collar representation associated with increased spending on both education and social services.     

Abrasion Collar Around Shrapnel Entry Wound

Abrasion collar is usually described as a feature of bullet entry wounds caused by friction and indentation. The present case is that of the peculiar entry wound caused by a piece of flying shrapnel which was ejected from a furnace in a steel plant. The scrap metal which exploded in the plant was sourced from the West Asia region. The entry wound on the chest was circular and had an abrasion collar around it. The projectile was a cylindrical object of obscure origin. The forensic science laboratory put forth the possibility that the projectile was a component of an artillery fuze. A decades old study which employed high‐speed photography has rejected the possibility that abrasion collars are produced by friction. High‐velocity projectiles other than bullets can also produce abrasion collars as the rubbing of the bullet against the skin or its rotation are not the causative mechanisms.     

论我国白领犯罪的成因及防控

白领犯罪作为一种独特的犯罪现象,它的社会危害性已经超出我们的想象。然而在理论和实践上,我们都没有给予其应有的重视．以致大有愈演愈烈的趋势。因此,界定白领犯罪的范畴,分析其形成的原因,提出防控的对策就十分必要了。     

枪弹创后置物射出口形态学的实验研究

为建立后置物射出口与射入口的检验鉴定方法，使用国产五四式7．62mm口径手枪及五六式7．62mm口径半自动步枪，以5米的距离射击约克夏种白猪18只，同时以木板、水泥板、玻璃及衣服等作为射出口衬垫物，制成后置物射出口56例，并与对照组12例射出口进行对比观察。结果表明，射出口与后置物距离在3cm以内均可出现创缘伸展轮及皮下出血，且与后置物质地及距离成正比。根据其形态分为典型及非典型两类，并建立了此类射出口的检验方法及其与射入口鉴别的依据，有助于法医在实际检验中对射击方向的判断。     

Union members at the polls in diverse trade union landscapes

This article investigates to what extent social democratic parties still benefit from the support of union members at the polls. Not only are social democratic parties confronted with new competitors in the party systems, but also the union confederations of the socialist labour movement are in some countries losing their dominant position due to the rise of separate professional confederations. It is argued in the article that the effect of union membership on voting choice is conditioned by the structure of the trade union movement. The support of union members for social democracy is fostered by the strength of the confederations historically close to this party family, while it is hampered when strong separate (or politically unaffiliated) white‐collar confederations exist. Using European Social Survey and Swedish Public Opinion data, the article shows that social democratic parties still enjoy important support from trade union members, but at the same time are under fierce competition from bourgeois and green parties among members of white‐collar confederations. This reinforces the challenges for social democracy to build new voters’ coalitions in post‐industrial societies.