合同诈骗罪的主体要件探讨

我国1997年刑法增设了合同诈骗罪,其目的是适应社会主义市场经济发展和司法实践中遏制这类犯罪的需要,是加强对合同诈骗的打击力度的需要。文章从合同诈骗罪与普通诈骗罪的法条竞合关系的适用等方面进行探讨,认为打击合同诈骗罪应从合同诈骗罪的主体构成要件上加以限定,从立法上加以完善。     

坚持中国特色社会主义的理论逻辑与实践原则

中国特色社会主义的理论逻辑与实践原则是邓小平理论奠定的。在学习研究和应用邓小平理论时,应坚持辩证法的全面性。邓小平关于解放思想就是实事求是的论断,是以尊重客观规律和客观条件为前提的。他在关系中国改革发展的大局时,从来都强调要问姓＂资＂姓＂社＂,他决不反对问姓＂资＂姓＂社＂,而反对混淆姓＂资＂姓＂社＂。他强调社会主义的根本原则是坚持公有制,坚决反对私有化。他明确指出,计划与市场都是发展经济的手段,两者都得要。他极为关注社会主义公平,强调社会主义就是要共同富裕,对分配不公导致两极分化,忧心忡忡。     

日本公民馆与公共精神的培育

社会资本存在于人们相互交往而形成的关系网络中。公民参与网络是社会资本的重要组成部分,它是社会中公共精神培育的重要载体。日本公民馆促进了公民参与网络的构建,增加了民众间的社会资本,培育了公民的公共精神即平等精神、自治精神、参与精神。     

Assessing the European Union’s strategic capacity: the case of EUNAVFOR MED Operation Sophia

This article argues that the European Union’s capacity to use an operational instrument for the purpose of an articulated objective constitutes an important, but conceptually neglected and empirically underexplored, element of its actorness. In order to fill this gap, the article introduces the concept of strategic capacity and develops an analytical framework for systematic empirical assessments thereof. Drawing on 22 qualitative expert interviews, the framework is applied to the EU’s maritime operation against human smugglers in the Central Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR MED Operation Sophia). The article finds that the EU so far has displayed a fairly low degree of strategic capacity in its fight against human smugglers. The article argues that this fairly low degree of strategic capacity is not to be ascribed to an institutional apparatus that is unfit for strategic action, but a decision on the part of political decision-makers to give weight to symbolic, as opposed to strategic, action. As a result, the operation has contributed little to the formal objective of disrupting and dismantling human smuggling networks in the Central Mediterranean. In some areas, it has even had an adverse effect on this objective.     

Security sector reform and the challenge of vertical integration

The poor performance of conventional security sector reform (SSR) programming, especially in fragile and conflict-affected states, has led to growing calls for the development of a new generation of reform strategies capable of transcending the state-centrism of earlier approaches and delivering sustainable security dividends to insecure populations. This paper reflects on the challenges of second-generation SSR, with a particular emphasis on the imperatives of reconciling different understandings of ownership, of rendering SSR processes more inclusive, and of acknowledging the realities of non-state security provision. The paper suggests that at its core, SSR is about strengthening state-society relations, and that second-generation SSR will ultimately be judged on how effectively it comes to terms with the argument that genuine and sustainable change can only emerge through an endogenous process of relationship transformation, in which insiders, not outsiders, are the primary agents of change.     

How party‒issue linkages vary between election manifestos and media debates

Abstract

Existing research on party behaviour has largely focused on the drivers of issue salience in direct party communication. However, less is known about party?issue linkages in election campaigns covered by the mass media, from which most voters get their information about party positions. Against this background, this article explores how two important drivers of issue salience in direct party communication – issue ownership and systemic salience – play out in the media. Based on considerations about the news value of specific party?issue associations, one would expect both relationships to be particularly important in the media. Despite substantial similarities in party?issue linkages across platforms, a comparison of manifestos and newspaper content reveals evidence for this claim. In particular, smaller parties are hardly covered in the news on issues they do not own, while large parties are especially covered on salient topics. These findings contribute to our understanding of issue competition in mediated environments.     

The more the better? Cumulative issue ownership and intra-campaign party switching

We contribute to the literature on short term changes in voters' party preferences (or intra-campaign party switching), by advancing a factor that has been neglected so far: Voters' perceptions about parties' issue competence. We develop a model of party switching that includes both classic predictors and issue ownership considerations. Moreover, in contrast to the usual single issue ownership conception focusing on the party deemed most competent to solve the most important problem, we argue that voters base their party choice on their perceptions of parties' competence on a variety of issues, i.e. on cumulative issue ownership. We test our model on panel data from the 2015 Swiss election study. The change in competence perceptions appears as a strong predictor of party switching: The higher the increase in the number of issues on which voters see a party as most competent during the campaign, the higher their likelihood to switch to that party.     

农村宅基地“三权分置”制度

2018年《中共中央国务院关于实施乡村振兴战略意见》明确提出农村宅基地要实行所有权、资格权、使用权“三权分置”政策。为了更好地保障农民的生存权和财产权,维护农民的合法权益,需要尽快创设宅基地“三权分置”制度体系。在“三权分置”制度中,农村集体经济组织是农村宅基地所有权的主体,农村集体经济组织成员是宅基地资格权的主体,但新的宅基地使用权主体不应仅仅限于本村的集体经济组织成员,在新的制度体系下,使用权的主体范围应当不断扩大。本文从我国“三权分置”的历史演变出发,分析了“三权分置”的基本要义及三权之间的关系,并提出了推进农村宅基地“三权分置”制度改革的相关建议。     

马克思历史哲学的当代意义(上)

随着中国走向市场经济,没有任何问题能比马克思主义的历史命运更能引起人们的关注。本文结合《资本论》三大手稿.以与传统哲学教科书不同的方式,围绕以下十二个问题,展示马克思历史哲学的当代意义:关于市场经济的历史地位;商品经济的两大历史阶段;商品经济的重要历史作用;货币的历史地位;资本的文明面;关于交往方式;关于资本的有限性;关于竞争;关于社会主义所有制;关于重建个体所有制;关于共产主义的历史前提;关于历史唯物主义。我的结论是,马克思是研究市场经济的第一人,他的无穷的思想遗产依然是我们改革开放的指路明灯,马克思在当代依然是不可超越的。     

关于人权的探究——评《人的权利与人的多样性——人权哲学》

米尔恩把本书称作一部人权哲学著作,在中文版序中他提到作为理解世界和人类状况的一种尝试,哲学探究不限于任何一种文化和文明的传统.从根本上讲,它是一种人类的探究,任何人都是可以投身于其中的.这里唯一的要求就是苏格拉底的那种"刨根问底"的执着.重新审视米尔恩提出的低限人权,并试图开放出米尔恩的努力所伴随的问题.