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141.
骆旭旭 《西南政法大学学报》2008,10(6):27-35
由于新自由主义理论的勃兴和市场机制的内在张力,国际社会步入了国际化市场经济阶段。国际化市场经济要求国际社会建立国际竞争机制解决国际市场失灵。在"洛克式"的国际体系下,借助全球治理理论建立一个多层次的国际竞争治理网络模式是国际社会现实的选择。多层次的国际竞争治理网络模式可以借鉴经济学的联邦财政理论和体制竞争理论确定各个层次的管辖权划分。 相似文献
142.
Lei Wang 《Regulation & Governance》2021,15(3):492-512
Developing countries increasingly participate in transgovernmental networks of global regulatory governance, but they do so in different ways. This article aims to provide an explanation for this variation for two of the major emerging powers in the world economy, Brazil and China, in their transition toward more active players in the global competition regime. Distinguishing between bilateral and multilateral transgovernmental networks and examining the domestic factors conditioning the transition of their national competition agencies from rule-takers to rule-promoters or rule-makers through these networks, the article makes theoretical contributions to the linkage between transgovernmentalism and the regulatory state. I argue that differing political needs and the incomplete process of regulatory state formation push domestic agencies to join transgovernmental networks, with a need for greater legitimacy steering the Brazilian regulators to multilateral networks and facilitating their transition from rule-takers to rule-promoters. The Chinese agencies' primary need for expertise rather than legitimacy, by contrast, led them to pursue technical assistance and cooperation via bilateral relationships. The Chinese approach has slowed its transition from rule-taker to rule-promoter where its norms and practices are aligned with the established powers. Such approach will further impede its transition into a global rule-maker in areas of competition law and policy where China's preferences diverge. 相似文献
143.
王立国 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2005,3(1):96-98
随着市场经济竞争的日趋激烈,各种新型不正当竞争行为层出不穷,为了加强对正当竞争主体的保护,应明确《反不正当竞争法》一般条款适用的条件、一般条款适用的限制规定,创造一个公平竞争的市场交易环境。 相似文献
144.
反垄断既是一个法律问题,又是一个复杂的经济问题。而垄断在反垄断法中是一个基石范畴的问题,垄断的合理界定是研究反垄断法的先决条件。通过对垄断利弊的评价分析,从经济学的角度来看,至少要从有效竞争,规模经济,公共利益等三个方面对垄断进行阐述,最后通过对垄断的阐述来界定反垄断法中垄断的范围。 相似文献
145.
论反垄断法适用除外制度的理论基础 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
适用除外制度之所以成为反垄断法的一项重要制度,有其深刻的经济基础和法律基础。从经济基础上讲,垄断与竞争均是利弊兼具,垄断并不必然消灭竞争,甚至会使竞争加剧。适用除外制度的确立,有利于发挥垄断的积极作用, 克服竞争的某些消极作用。从法律基础上讲,反垄断法要解决虽然属于垄断、但又不予禁止的技术问题,只有通过适用除外制度加以解决;另一方面,适用除外制度还是反垄断法与其他法律进行协调的一项必不可少的措施。 相似文献
146.
Explanations of party competition and vote choice are commonly based on the Downsian view of politics: parties maximise votes by adopting positions on policy dimensions. However, recent research suggests that British voters choose parties based on evaluations of competence rather than on ideological position. This paper proposes a theoretical account which combines elements of the spatial model with the ‘issue ownership’ approach. Whereas the issue ownership theory has focused mainly on party competition, this paper examines the validity of the model from the perspective of both parties and voters, by testing its application to recent British general elections. Our findings suggest that as parties have converged ideologically, competence considerations have become more important than ideological position in British elections. 相似文献
147.
民国初年多党议会制的追求与挫折 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
刘兰青 《中央社会主义学院学报》2001,(10):36-38
辛亥革命后,资产阶级仿效西方,追求多党竞争和议会制度,尝试的结果以失败而告终.实践证明选择政党制度不能脱离国情.回顾民国初年多党议会制的追求与挫折,分析失败原因,汲取前车之鉴,有助于理解今天政党制度的选择. 相似文献
148.
基于争夺国际中间地带的地缘战略传统,美国将“一带一路”倡议作为对华战略博弈的重要场域。自中国提出并落实“一带一路”倡议以来,美国政府的反应策略可以划分为战略意图警惕、少边主义阻断和多边制度竞争三个阶段。美国对华竞争策略的演变逻辑集中表现为愈发强调争夺中间地带国家的重要性,以谋取第三方支持作为其“竞赢”中国的战略工具。美国对中国及其“一带一路”倡议的负面战略评估,以及美国国内外对华共识凝聚力的上升,为其对华竞争手段赋予了承诺扩大化、议题安全化和策略明晰化的特质。美方的举措破坏了国际多边合作机制的现有框架,也在美国社会层面扰乱了舆论生态和决策环境,加剧了国际安全环境中的不可控风险。跟踪分析美国针对“一带一路”倡议在中间地带展开的竞争举措,不仅能够理解中美关系的演变轨迹与发展趋势,也要求中国通过战略研判、意图传递与制度对接等路径予以应对。 相似文献
149.
Henrik Bech Seeberg 《West European politics》2020,43(4):772-794
AbstractA central part of representative democracy is that voters evaluate political parties based on how competently they handle issues, so-called ‘issue ownership’. Since issue ownership is a central ingredient in the vote choice, rival parties often try to influence how voters evaluate a competing party. This is an issue ownership attack. However, despite intense scholarly interest in issue ownership, the understanding of how parties shape issue ownership is very limited. Therefore a new theoretical model is tested here to understand issue ownership attack. Using several survey experiments, the analysis shows that a mainstream party can counteract another mainstream party’s issue ownership by reframing the issue and by blaming the party for its performance, but not by changing its own position on the issue. Hence, the study not only advances the understanding of issue ownership stability and change but also brings important insights on how parties influence voters. 相似文献
150.
Gabriele Natalizia Marco Valigi 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(3):65-81
ABSTRACT After a quarter of a century of oscillating relations between Washington and Moscow, Trump’s 2017 National Security Strategy named Russia as one of the main challengers to the US-led order. Power transition theory is used to explain the alternating cooperative and competitive phases during each of the first three post-Cold War US presidencies: first, initial attempts at cooperation are driven by US willingness to integrate its former rival into the liberal order; then, regression into competition follows as Washington’s influence rises in territories that Moscow considers sensitive for its national security. 相似文献