The online stolen data market: disruption and intervention approaches

This article brings a new taxonomy and collation of intervention and disruption methods that can be applied to the online stolen data market. These online marketplaces are used to buy and sell identity and financial information, as well as the products and services that enable this economy. This article combines research findings from computer science with criminology to provide a multidisciplinary approach to crimes committed with the use of technology.     

论我国澳门特别行政区博彩业管制中的政府

我国澳门特别行政区《娱乐场幸运博彩经营法律制度》第44条规定,在三种特殊情境下,政府暂时介入博彩企业之经营,但该条款却在十余载间始终遭到澳门特别行政区政府的弃用.公共政策的肇因固然可解释缘何第44条难以完成从“纸面中的法”向“行动中的法”的嬗变,但分析表明,条款自身的粗陋与模糊亦是澳门政府“弃法不用”的直接原因.基于性质归属,暂时介入是行政即时强制之一种,其蕴藏弱规制与强规制手段的双重品性.依此,本文以法治政府建设的二维要素——“合法性”与“最佳性”为分析工具,对暂时介入的启动时机、启动条件、介入主体、介入程序等进行了设计,希翼能为政府“暂时介入”条款的完善提供参考.     

No humanitarian intervention in Asian genocides: how possible and legitimate?

Abstract

This article addresses an important empirical puzzle: why has the United States, without exception, chosen not to intervene in the six humanitarian catastrophes in post-war Asia, namely in Indonesia, East Pakistan/Bangladesh, Cambodia, East Timor, Sri Lanka and Myanmar? We use an eclectic approach that blends arguments about the international normative structure and geostrategic interests to examine what has made the absence of humanitarian intervention in Asia by the US possible and legitimate. Specifically, we focus on the paradox between calls for humanitarian intervention and the historically and geographically contingent social construction of the norms of humanity, national sovereignty and United Nations-backed multilateralism in conjunction with US and Chinese concerns over their regional geostrategic interests. The normative narratives about race, ‘communists’, ‘terrorists’, international order and inclusive multilateral processes, and the geostrategic interests of the US and China, combine to make non-intervention possible and legitimate.     

Transcending binaries in critical peacebuilding scholarship to address ‘inclusivity’ projects

Abstract

In light of the recent turn to ‘inclusivity’ in peacebuilding practice, this article problematises established ways of ‘doing critique’ in peacebuilding scholarship. Inclusivity refers to the building of peace as a situated and co-constituted process. This entails what can be termed a new epistemic commitment: the acknowledgement that peacebuilding as a dynamic and emergent phenomenon is also an epistemically co-constituted process. In the article, I make two arguments. First, the move towards inclusivity places currently dominant modes of scholarly critique at an impasse. Persistent ontological and epistemological binaries preclude a productive investigation and challenging of inclusivity projects and their epistemic commitment. Second, I argue that, by returning to historical conditions that were formative in the very emergence of the category of ‘the local’, the conceptual basis of an alternative mode of critique (re)appears. This alternative critical project allows for an analytical sensibility to peacebuilding as emergent and adaptive. It makes it possible to disentangle power relations as these emerge between different and possibly unexpected configurations of actors and knowledge claims in inclusivity projects.     

The Renewed ‘Struggle for Syria’: From the War ‘in’ Syria to the War ‘over’ Syria

ABSTRACT

Syria is generally considered a case of non-intervention. One of the dominant (since the 1990s) kinds of intervention, namely multilateral humanitarian intervention, failed, as did other attempts by a select group of countries to implement a ‘red line’ concerning the use of chemical weapons. However, in this case, there is no sharp dichotomy between intervention and non-intervention. In lieu of an intervention that would tilt the balance and coordinate help to halt massacres, various rival and uncoordinated international and regional interventions overlapped over time, fuelling a market for violence. ‘Weakened interventionism’, as opposed to principled and hierarchical intervention, has manifested itself in Syria in a model recalling “the struggle for Syria” of the 1960s in a new, contemporary setting.     

Longer Term Impact of Bystander Training to Reduce Violence Acceptance and Sexism

ABSTRACT

Many bystander programs to prevent violence have been developed and evaluated in college populations. An exception is the randomized controlled trial of Green Dot, found effective in reducing violence rates and violence acceptance in 26 high-schools (2010–2014). In ‘Life’s Snapshot’, 10,727 seniors were recruited from these same schools with the goal of determining the longer-term efficacy of bystander training. Students in intervention schools could have up to three years of Green Dot exposure. Seniors from intervention versus control schools had significantly lower scores (p <.01) indicating less violence acceptance or sexism for two of five measures. Seniors’ self-reports of bystander training received confirmed these findings. These cross-sectional analyses suggest that some reductions in violence acceptance associated with bystander programming may be maintained into early adulthood.     

国际社会的民主和法治价值与保护性干预——不干涉内政原则面临的挑战与应对

作为国际法基本原则的不干涉内政原则,主要面临＂内政＂的概念有分歧、＂国际和平与安全＂的外延在扩大、＂保护的责任＂日益凸显以及国际法上的民主与法治价值观更受重视等方面的挑战。中国国际地位的提升以及国家利益的日益扩大,促使中国政府应反思并调整不干涉内政原则。＂保护性干预＂将成为中国应对不干涉内政原则挑战的必然选择。     

律师提前介入问题再探

为实现律师提前介入之立法意图 ,刑事诉讼法第九十六条关于律师介入侦查程序的具体时间应提前至犯罪嫌疑人被第一次讯问前 ,并应增加规定侦查人员有义务立即告知犯罪嫌疑人有聘请律师提供法律帮助之权利 ,同时将免费律师法律援助制度引入侦查程序。     

媒体介入对刑事诉讼的影响及坚持的原则

随着大众传播媒体的迅速发展,因其所具有的传播速度快、受众面广、公开及时等特点,已经越来越深入社会生活的方方面面。在刑事司法领域,媒体介入,特别是刑事侦查和审判阶段的介入,已然成为社会所热议的焦点和专家学者所研究的热点。媒体介入是一把双刃剑,在刑事诉讼活动中既能表现出监督司法机关诉讼活动、培养民众法律意识和法制观念等有利的一面,又能体现出阻碍侦查活动、妨碍诉讼活动的正常进行,甚至出现"媒体审判"等不利的一方面。必须通过重点分析媒体介入对刑事诉讼的影响,才能提出媒体介入刑事诉讼所应坚持的原则,以便协调舆论媒体与司法机关之间的关系。