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311.
反对和防止腐败是全党、全国的一项重大的政治任务。本文通过总结腐败问题的现状及其危害,从思想观念蜕化,对腐败问题查处不力,廉政制度建设不健全等几个方面深入分析了腐败问题屡禁不止的原因。并从加强法制建设入手,提出要加大对腐败的法律制裁力度以提高腐败的"成本",加大公权运用的透明度,加强反腐败体制、机制创新,加强监督管理工作,建立群众反腐败机制,从而有效遏制腐败问题的发生。  相似文献   
312.
ABSTRACT

This paper examines the effects of the perceptions of corruption and personal experience of bribery on the propensity for ordinary Africans to support collective action-based anti-corruption tactics. It also evaluates how poverty shapes the association between corruption and support for collective civic action against corruption. The paper bases its findings on the multilevel level regression analysis of public opinion data from 35 African countries. The results show that an increase in experience of paying bribes increases poor people’s preference for anti-corruption tactics based on collective action. Furthermore, individuals who perceive corruption to be widespread are significantly more likely to support collective action as their country’s poverty level rises. These findings strongly challenge the view recently expressed in some of the literature that high levels of corruption erode the willingness of especially poor Africans to bring corruption under control.  相似文献   
313.
This article examines how reputational concerns drove the adoption of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) in Kazakhstan. The article argues that Kazakhstan's decision to join EITI was largely driven by the government’s intention to use EITI as a rational governance tool to manipulate its political agenda to protect the regime’s legitimacy. However, norm adherence does not reflect effective compliance. The findings of EITI in Kazakhstan show that the adoption of EITI standardized requirements followed a specific internal logic that disconnects from the initiative’s initial purpose. The case of Kazakhstan further illustrates the limitations of external remedies to the ‘resource curse’ and emphasises the significance of vertical accountability in political regimes. The article urges scholars and policy advisers to further investigate how global governance arrangements are implemented at domestic levels, particularly in autocratic regimes.  相似文献   
314.
ABSTRACT

Thandika Mkandawire is a Malawian economist and public intellectual. He is currently Chair and Professor of African Development at the London School of Economics. He was formerly Director of the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, and Director of the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA). In 2015, he published an influential critique of neopatrimonialism, ‘Neopatrimonialism and the Political Economy of Economic Performance in Africa: Critical Reflections’.

His empirical analysis demonstrates that neopatrimonialism can neither explain heterogeneity in political arrangements nor predict variability in economic outcomes. He argues that its dominance in scholarly and popular discourses of the continent derives from its appeal to crude ethnographic stereotypes. Yet such stereotypes are at odds with the idea that African citizens can be trusted to vote intelligently. As a result, the neopatrimonial school tends to seek political arrangements that can circumnavigate democratic politics, particularly in the form of bureaucratic authoritarianism or external agents of restraint. Against this, Mkandawire insists on an approach that recognises the importance of democratic politics, and the critical role that ideas, interests and structures play in shaping African societies. In this interview with the Journal of Contemporary African Studies (JCAS), Mkandawire reflects on the historical genesis of neopatrimonialism, the political economy factors that likely explain the ways in which it has taken hold in African scholarship and public discourse, and how to move forward.  相似文献   
315.
Few tasks are more important in a post-communist setting than rebuilding the welfare state. We study individual preferences for increasing social welfare spending to reduce inequality. Using two surveys of about 34,000 and 37,000 Russians, we show the great importance of the “bridging” type of social capital for redistribution preferences in Russia, as it precludes possibilities of cheating and free-riding on the welfare state. Instrumenting social capital with education, climate, and distance from Moscow, we deal with endogeneity concerns and also contribute to our understanding of the deep roots of social capital in Russia. We claim that social capital in post-socialist countries could help mobilize public support for redistribution even where institutions are weak.  相似文献   
316.
The re-election of the Labour Party with an increased majority in the 2017 Maltese national election bucks the trends of incumbent punishment experienced in most South European countries during the ‘Great Recession’ and of the decline of social democratic parties in Europe in the past 50 years. This Maltese ‘exceptionalism’ is explained by the Labour Party’s centrist shift, the country’s pure two-party system, and the economic prosperity which encouraged voters to opt for continuity. These factors allowed the governing party to win, despite corruption allegations deriving from the Panama Papers. Although a third party entered parliament for the first time since 1966, the fundamentals of the party and electoral systems have not changed and this development may not be long-lived.  相似文献   
317.
318.
唐贤秋 《桂海论丛》2011,27(1):13-17
科学研判反腐倡廉形势,必须澄清以下认识误区:即反腐败"雷声大,雨点小";反腐败"只打苍蝇,不打老虎";"腐败越反越多";"反腐败亡党,不反腐败亡国"等。运用事实的乃至逻辑的力量对这些认识误区正本清源,是树立反腐倡廉信心的需要。  相似文献   
319.
三、深化反腐败的国际司法和执法合作正如李昌道所指出的那样,《联合国反腐败公约》是联合国历史上第一部指导国际社会反腐败的法律文件,标志着国际社会进入通过国际合作打击腐败的新阶段,被称为"21世纪国际合作的里程碑"。《公约》在促进、便利和支持反腐败国际合作方面的主要成就如下:  相似文献   
320.
刘金国 《法学杂志》2012,33(2):39-45
坚决惩治权力腐败和有效预防权力腐败,关系人心向背和党的生死存亡,这一重大课题始终是我们党和国家面临的重大政治任务。权力腐败是权力的权利化和权力的非责任化,因为权力时刻存在着走向腐败的可能性,权力具有私欲性,权力具有可交换性,权力具有不平等性。权力腐败的本质是剥削,其法律属性与民本、民生、和谐社会、核心价值体系完全相悖。要充分认识反腐倡廉建设的战略意义,充分认识反腐败斗争的长期性、复杂性和艰巨性。  相似文献   
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