论中国古典文艺美学思想发展的五大阶段

中国古典文艺美学思想发展的基本历程主要分五大阶段:一是以《尚书》所提出的美学话语作为历史的(也是逻辑的)起点阶段;二是以先秦至东汉为中国文艺美学思想的奠基阶段,标志是产生了作为中国文艺美学思想之根基的儒、道两家学说,初步确立了中国文艺美学的特有概念、命题及其话语模式;三是以魏晋以降为中国文艺美学思想的自觉阶段,标志是出现了较为专门而独立的文艺美学思想形态,将关注的焦点从文艺的伦理功能转向文艺自身的审美意义;四是以唐宋之际为中国文艺美学思想的成熟和深化阶段,体现出由综合而成熟、由转型而深化的两大特点;五是以元明清为中国文艺美学思想的近代蜕变和古典总结相互碰撞交织的阶段。     

高职高等数学课程的定位与探索

高等数学课程是高职院校各专业的一门必修的重要基础与工具课。在充分发挥高等数学课程在高职教育中的作用，全面系统地进行高等数学课程建设的同时，还要对其进行科学的定位，使其适应国家对高等职业教育改革的需要，不断创新与发展。     

浅议新形势下家庭教育与青少年成长的关系

当今社会科技水平十分发达,经济全球化程度日益加深,广大青少年的社会化程度也比过去有了显著提高。但是,作为基础性和特殊性的教育方式,家庭教育仍然对青少年的成长有着不可替代的作用。     

谈大学语文课程的定位与教法

大学语文应该强化审美性和人文性、淡化工具性和基础性,由此将引发对“如何教好大学语文课”的思考。大学语文课程 的专业化、大学教师的学者化及学生主体性地位的确定都必将成为新的理念得以确定与张扬。     

高职层次民政管理专业课程的现状与发展研究

本文旨在通过对长沙民政职业技术学院高职层次民政管理专业课程的哲学、心理学、社会学基础的探讨,对课程目标、课程内容、课程实施、课程评价等整个编制过程的分析与反思,以及通过对课程基本问题的思索,构建一个比较完整的课程分析框架,为设置一套既科学、完整又具针对性和特色的高职民政管理专业课程作一尝试和努力.     

A TEST OF LIFE‐COURSE EXPLANATIONS FOR STABILITY AND CHANGE IN ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIOR FROM ADOLESCENCE TO YOUNG ADULTHOOD*

Using longitudinal data from a sample of 236 young adults and their romantic partners, we tested a life‐course model that integrates social control and peer influence arguments with the idea of assortative mating. For both males and females, adolescent delinquency and affiliation with deviant peers predicted having an antisocial romantic partner as a young adult. Involvement with an antisocial romantic partner, in turn, had both a direct effect on crime as well as indirect influence through adult peer affiliations. For females, quality of the romantic relationship also predicted crime. The analyses revealed several moderating influences in addition to these mediating effects. For females, a conventional romantic partner, strong job attachment, and conventional adult friends all served to moderate the chances that a woman with a delinquent history would graduate to adult crime. In contrast, only conventional adult friends served this function for males.     

美国信息安全战略发展研究

网络与信息系统安全已经引起了全世界共同关注,美国在此领域一直走在世界前列。伴随世界经济、文化的日益融合,美国信息安全立法及政策方面的丰富经验为我国信息安全战略的制定和完善提供了可资借鉴的蓝本。解读美国信息安全战略的演变轨迹、组织体系及其特点,结合我国信息安全保障立法现状,分析当前我国信息安全立法的主要着力点,旨在构建有中国特色的信息安全法律体系。     

Nanotechnology . . . What Is It Good For? (Absolutely Everything): A Problem Definition Approach

Problem definition studies focus on the ways in which problems are characterized in the political domain, and how they can be used strategically to limit or expand policy participation. Nanotechnology entrepreneurs are vying for resources in the political domain while strategically linking their nano‐solution to multiple and ambiguous problems. This article considers the evolution of nanotechnology as a solution, and the linked problems from a problem definition perspective. We consider how nanotechnology has been defined over time, in the scientific community and in the media, through development of a database of problem and solution definitional change. We find that, over time, advocates have defined the solution from a more narrow perspective while maintaining the overall ambiguity of the problem set. We suggest that the problem definition perspective is a viable framework for understanding the fluid and complex dynamics of science and technology issues and offer several suggestions for further research.     

How preferences,information and institutions interactively drive agenda‐setting: Questions in the Belgian parliament, 1993–2000

In this article an integrated framework of agenda‐setting is proposed that incorporates the two main accounts of agenda‐setting: the information‐processing approach by Comparative Agenda Project scholars and the preference‐centred account advanced by Comparative Manifestoes Project scholars. The study claims that attention allocation is determined at the same time by preferences, information and institutions, and that attention allocation is affected by the interactions between these three factors. An empirical test is conducted that draws upon a dataset of parliamentary questions/interpellations in Belgium in the period 1993–2000. It is found that attention in parliament is indeed driven by preceding party manifestos (preferences), by available information (media coverage) and by institutional position (government or opposition party). The evidence establishes that agenda‐setting is also affected by the interactions between preferences, information and institutions. Actors, given their preferences, treat information in a biased fashion, and institutions moderate information's role.     

National interest versus the common good: The Presidency in European Council agenda setting

The European Council is an institution which brings together the Heads of State, or Governments of the European Union (EU) Member States. For the Presidency, preparing the agenda of European Council meetings involves a tension between loyalties. Existing research is divided over the question whether the Presidency pushes its domestic policy agenda on the EU level. Using empirical data on the Conclusions of European Council meetings, and national executive speeches presented annually in five Member States, this article investigates the relationship between the policy agendas of the EU and its constituent countries. It tests whether national issue attention of the Presidency holder dominates the European Council agenda. The findings suggest that having the Presidency does not provide a de facto institutional advantage for agenda setting power for any of the countries in the sample. The analysis points out that normative and political constrains limit the leeway of presiding Member States to push for domestic agenda preferences in the European Council.