The threat of autocracy diffusion in consolidated democracies? The case of China,Singapore and Australia

The majority of today’s authoritarian regimes have little hope of promoting autocracy beyond their own borders, let alone to consolidated democratic countries. However, China and Singapore are two prominent examples of non-democratic countries whose soft power arsenals have given them some global appeal beyond that enjoyed by most authoritarian regimes. But to what extent has China’s and Singapore’s power of example influenced consolidated democracies in terms that the latter wanting to replicate some political practices or even norms in these non-democratic regimes? In this article, we engage recent works to examine this question in relation to how Australians perceive the political example offered by China and Singapore. Focusing our analysis on several prominent polls conducted recently by the Lowy Institute for International Policy, we suggest that at present there is little evidence of a causal impact of the rise of authoritarian powerhouses such as China and Singapore on how Australians view democracy at home. Through these case studies, this article sheds some light on the theoretical as well as practical questions about the inherent impediments of authoritarian diffusion in consolidated democracies.     

试论卢梭的立法思想

法律思想在卢梭的整个思想中占有举足轻重的地位,而立法理论又是其中最为重要的组成部分。卢梭认为,法律是公意的体现,立法是为了实现正义,而立法是来自于人民的非凡人物,他们制定法律时应遵循自由与平等的原则。     

Thinking the law with and against Luhmann,Legendre, Agamben

After the failure of all enterprises in legal ontology, and after the success of all enterprises in legal system internal theodicy, the field of legal theory is now open to receive a range of more complex, less universalist, less politicised, but also more personally shaped, more fragile suggestions. My article focusses on three such ways of dealing with the law question: the work of Pierre Legendre, a French psychoanalyst and specialist of the history of administrative law and Christian religion, the work of Niklas Luhmann, the recently deceased founder of a new German schoolof sociological systems theory, and that of Giorgio Agamben, an Italian philosopher whose re-opening of the discussion on the Benjaminian notion of bare life and its relationship to law has provoked worldwide attention. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

新闻自由与新闻侵权的法理学思考--从权利与权力的视角出发

新闻自由与新闻侵权的矛盾是法学与新闻学共同关注的边缘性学术课题,就法学领域来说,学者们大都从宪法学和民法学的角度予以探讨,而笔者发现:新闻自由本身是一种特殊权利,新闻侵权中所侵犯的对象表现为权利和在一定程度上的权力。所以,如果从法理学的角度入手,我们则不难看出:新闻自由与新闻侵权的矛盾是权利之间和权利与在一定程度上的权力之间的冲突在舆论领域的表现。     

我国刑事法官庭审指挥权之探讨

近年来我国的刑事审判方式改革一直强调弱化法官在庭审中的职权,而主张学习英美当事人主义模式下法官的消极克制。但是,弱化法官职权并让法官消极克制并不意味着可以取消法官在庭审中的能动性。为实现审判之目的,保障庭审公正、高效和有序,必须赋予法官庭审指挥权。庭审指挥权包括诉讼许可和禁止权、程序异议裁决权、庭审引导权和告知权、证据调查指挥权、诉讼进程控制权和庭审秩序维持权。在我国,应当建立科学合理的庭审指挥权体系以及控辩双方权利救济机制,促进法官行使自由裁量权的客观化和检察官地位的当事人化,并通过转变司法观念和提高法官素质保障庭审指挥权的正当行使。     

公法权利的实践——结社现象的法学意义

我国公法权利实践之所以可能,主要是与公法本身的发展分不开的,私法权利实践也起到了积极的推进作用,而思想观念的变化、普法教育的开展以及法律体系的完善和法治原则深入人心,都从不同角度、不同层次为我国公法权利实践提供着可能性。从公民结社权的实践来看,我国公法权利实践的最重要特点是,它是依附于行政权力的权利,是需要行政权力提供保护的权利。约束行政权力,改变依附于权力的现状,并使之成为真正具有法律意义的权利,是我国公法权利实践未来发展的大致方向。     

毛泽东、邓小平解决农民问题的经验及其当代意义

农民问题有两个核心:一是土地问题,二是农村剩余劳动力的转移。毛泽东和邓小平分别成功地解决了中国革命和社会主义建设初期的土地问题,对农村剩余劳动力的转移也做了有益的探索,为当代农民问题的解决提供了宝贵的经验,即进行大胆的制度创新,进一步扩大和保障农民对土地的权利,并通过农村人口的城市化和市民化实现农村剩余劳动力的转移。     

我国检察权监督制约机制的现状及问题

在人民检察院履行法律监督权的过程中,主要受到两种方式的监督和制约:非诉讼形式和诉讼形式.该机制存在三大问题:检察机关自侦案件的监督制约机制有所欠缺;检察机关抗诉权的监督制约有待完善;检察系统内部的监督制约还需加强.应当结合以上问题进行完善.     

和谐社会视野中的轻罪刑事政策

我国现行轻罪案件的处理模式存在四大矛盾:逮捕法定条件的严格控制与逮捕适用普遍化的矛盾;起诉裁量权的扩大与相对不起诉功能萎缩的矛盾;轻罪案件迅速审理原则的确立与简易程序在实践中受到限制的矛盾;社区矫正处遇的兴起与轻罪案件监禁率偏高的矛盾.构建和谐社会要求对我国的轻罪刑事政策作适度调整,基本方向为:"轻罪轻处,轻罪轻罚".     

行政执法资料移送检察机关备案制度之展开

浙江省永康市人民检察院在国内首创推行行政执法资料移送检察机关备案制度,收到了较好的效果.在实践基础上诠释了检察调查权的具体含义和合理构建检察调查权的必然性与必要性,并提出了合理构建检察调查权的内容、保障和制约手段.