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71.
Ward Berenschot 《Democratization》2013,20(2):208-224
This article compares the role of brokers in mediating access to public services in India and Indonesia. Brokered state-citizen interaction is generally considered to be detrimental to democratic accountability and governance. Yet recent studies are emphasizing that brokers can also be empowering. Reconciling these contrasting assessments, I argue in this paper that the character of brokerage networks shapes the capacity of citizens to hold their politicians and bureaucrats to account. Employing over two years of ethnographic fieldwork in both India and Indonesia, I develop a comparative framework that compares brokerage networks in terms of their degree of fragmentation, institutionalization and levelling. In Indonesia the versatile and more state-centered nature of brokers networks plays into the hands of incumbents, while the fragmented and more levelled nature of India's brokerage networks strengthens democratic accountability. I use this comparison to advance the argument that the evolution of brokerage networks constitutes an important, yet little-noticed dimension of democratization processes. When citizens gain access to public services through networks that are fragmented, institutionalized and less marked by social hierarchies, politicians and bureaucrats face stronger pressures to perform. 相似文献
72.
MATTHEW HALL 《The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice》2009,48(3):267-279
Abstract: This article examines victims of crime as the subject of policy making in the criminal justice system of England and Wales. The discussion draws on a series of qualitative interviews carried out with legal practitioners and court personnel at three criminal courts in the north of England, as well as representatives of relevant central government departments. These data are used to shed light on the process of implementing central government policy in the context of local criminal justice, with particular reference to the development of local governance in this area. 相似文献
73.
Carlos Santiso 《公共行政管理与发展》2008,28(1):67-84
How effective are autonomous audit agencies (AAAs) in curbing corruption and improving fiscal governance in emerging economies? AAAs are autonomous oversight agencies tasked with scrutinising government finances. However, they are not as effective as they could or should be, partly because of the political constraints they face and the political economy context in which they are embedded. This article assesses the performance and trajectory of the Argentine AAA. It suggests that AAAs can have only a limited impact when formal fiscal institutions are undermined by informal practices and undercut by adverse political incentives. It further highlights the limits of radical reform strategies based on the import of exogenous institutional models. This research has important research and policy implications for the reform and strengthening of AAAs in developing countries. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
74.
Sebastian Eckardt 《公共行政管理与发展》2008,28(1):1-17
Why are some local governments more successful than others in managing resources and delivering services? And even more vitally, how can malfunctioning governments be reformed so that they perform their responsibilities more effectively? This article contributes to our understanding of theses overarching questions by exploring the interactions between political institutions and public sector performance in the context of decentralisation and local governance. It shows–both theoretically and empirically–that performance outcomes are determined by the extent to which people can hold their governments accountable through political institutions. The basic hypothesis underlying this research is that political accountability, either by encouraging sanctions upon non‐compliant public agents or simply by reducing the informational gap regarding government activities, will create forceful incentives for elected officials and civil servants to reduce opportunistic behaviour and improve performance. Using a cross‐sectional regression the hypothesis is empirically tested against evidence from newly empowered local governments in Indonesia. The empirical findings broadly support our hypotheses. Improved public services on the ground, both in terms of quantity and quality, require informed and well functioning decision‐making processes that allocate resources to priority areas that meet the demand of the broader community. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
75.
Sulaiman Balarabe Kura 《公共行政管理与发展》2008,28(3):234-238
Good governance has now become a passion as all governments and regimes appropriate and/or misappropriate the term for development or populist reasons. However, democratic good governance is the catalyst for development. The idea of reinventing government is necessary in order to confront the dynamics and challenges of development in the era of globalisation. This is the main thrust of this review article. The article reviews three major books, the focus of which provides analytical insight towards reinventing government for achieving the MDGs and other development agenda. The books argue that to redesign and reinvent governments for development, attributes of democratic good governance must be articulated, localised and contextualised based on individual country's historical–political experiences and socio‐economic capabilities. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
76.
Axel Marx 《Regulation & Governance》2008,2(2):253-273
Non‐state market regulation has become a central focus and continues to receive scholarly attention. The present paper provides an assessment of the conditions under which multinational firms join a multi‐stakeholder certification initiative. The cases of the Fair labor Association and 17 international sport footwear companies have been selected for this purpose. A Qualitative Comparative Analysis of the 17 cases is performed. The paper argues that the combination of sustained NGO pressure and public ownership of a firm is a necessary precondition for firms joining a multi‐stakeholder certification initiative. The theoretical and policy implications of this result are discussed. 相似文献
77.
论公司治理与公司控制人侵权责任的追究 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
完善的资本市场是影响公司治理的一个非常重要的外部因素,同时,健全的公司治理又是健康的资本市场不可或缺的组成部分。良好的公司治理机制需要多方面因素的合理组合。从公司法的角度看,追究大股东、董事、经理等公司控制人的侵权责任是我国当前完善公司治理机制的核心内容之一。 相似文献
78.
Metropolitan regions have become one of the most appropriate scales to define efficient governance networks for economic and territorial development. The state still is the key actor of these partnerships. Yet the question remains whether cross-border metropolitan regions represent a new point of reference that puts state power in question or whether they only reorganize it. The centrality of state power will be examined by looking at two networks of actors (public transport and territorial marketing) working at the Eurometropolis Lille–Kortrijk–Tournai. The results reveal that a triple-faceted state power has emerged to define and organize cross-border metropolitan management. 相似文献
79.
《Communist and Post》2014,47(2):147-158
In this research I propose that the concept of diversionary theory provides at least a partial explanation for North Korea's conflict activities. I examine and analyze the country's data on diplomatic and military activities from 1997 to 2011 and argue that North Korea's domestic conditions influence its willingness to engage in external conflict. I also examine the impact of such external influences as UN sanctions, leadership changes in the region, national capacities of the US, South Korea and Japan, and strategic military exercises on DPRK-initiated conflicts. This study provides insight into the activities of this reclusive state and also demonstrates useful techniques that can be applied to analyze other similarly closed nations. The findings suggest that there are identified links between internal conditions and the Kim regime's aggressive actions between 1997 and 2011 in support of the diversionary argument. Concurrently, there is less evidence that North Korea's hostile diplomatic and military activities are based on external pressures. 相似文献
80.
Shiro Armstrong 《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2014,1(3):513-521
The global trading system has underpinned huge growth in trade and the integration of economies that have signed on to it, whether they are political allies or not—none more so than in the Asia‐Pacific region. It has prevented political disputes between Japan and China adversely affecting trade and investment flows between the two countries. The World Trade Organisation continues to play an important role. This is evidenced by the number of countries still willing to join the organisation, its record in keeping markets open during crises and the effectiveness of the dispute settlement mechanism. Yet the global trading system faces challenges. The rules and agenda, as well as the single undertaking mode of negotiations, are not effective or relevant to commerce in the twenty‐first century. The shift to mega‐regional agreements further undermines its primacy. A weakened global trading system could also have negative spillovers for political relations between countries. 相似文献