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181.
A significant shortcoming in contemporary deliberative systems is that citizens are disconnected from various elite sites of public deliberation. This article explores the concept of ‘coupling’ as a means to better link citizens and elites in deliberative systems. The notion of ‘designed coupling’ is developed to describe institutional mechanisms for linking otherwise disconnected deliberative sites. To consider whether it is possible and indeed desirable to use institutional design to couple different sites in a deliberative system, the article draws on insights from a case study in which a mini‐public was formally integrated into a legislative committee. The empirical study finds that it is not only feasible to couple mini‐publics to legislative committees, but when combined, the democratic and deliberative capacity of both institutions can be strengthened. To be effective, ‘designed coupling’ requires more than establishing institutional connections; it also requires that actors to step outside their comfort zone to build new relationships and engage in new communicative spaces with different sets of ideas, actors and rules. This can be facilitated by institutional design, but it also requires leaders and champions who are well‐placed to encourage actors to think differently.  相似文献   
182.
Over the history of modern international relations research, we have moved from systemic and regional studies to empirical explorations of dyadic interactions. However, our statistical models have put the details of dyadic interactions under a microscope at the expense of ignoring the relevant regional context that these dyads interact in. This development has been in part due to computational limitations, but do we really believe that decision makers interact with one another while ignoring the regional power balance and the wishes of regional powers? In this article, I take a look at the well-researched relationship between democracy and peace by using a multilevel approach to dyadic interactions and the regions they are embedded in. The findings suggest that when the regional power balance favors democracies, it influences conflict between dyads, especially mixed dyads, by increasing the costs of aggression by autocracies and establishing regional norms of cooperation and compromise.  相似文献   
183.
ABSTRACT

Thailand’s civil society has contributed to the country’s democratic regression. Underlying this political position are redefined meanings of democracy. This article seeks to shed light on these intriguing positions and processes by exploring the democratic discourses that prevail in Thailand’s civil society and their implications. The article does this by using a case study of a network of development actors associated with a public and influential Community Organisation Development Institution (CODI) organisation. It is found that democratic discourses are associated with a preoccupation with the sense of collective identity, defined through civil society’s communitarian vision. This preoccupation influenced their political emphasis on promoting “collective virtues.” It is argued that these discourses limit the democratic potential of Thailand’s civil society in a number of ways. First, they facilitate the building of connections between civil society and conservative elites. Second, the discourses endow civil society with an organisational culture that puts emphasis on promoting the roles of “good people” who are mostly selected by those at the top of the civil society organisations that are hierarchical.  相似文献   
184.
改革开放以来,以邓小平、江泽民和胡锦涛为代表的中国共产党人始终注重加强社会主义民主政治建设,取得了巨大的成就,并积累了宝贵的经验:从我国国情出发,坚持中国特色社会主义政治发展道路;坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一;以制度建设为重点,推进社会主义民主政治的制度化、规范化、程序化;积极稳妥地推进政治体制改革。  相似文献   
185.
农村是信访案件的源头,是信访工作的重点、难点和关键点。要有效堵住信访的源头,科学应对信访工作的新情况、新问题,基层党委、政府必须提高五种能力,即提高从源头上预防和减少信访问题的能力;提高解决初信初访的能力;提高非正常集体访案件处理能力;提高重大疑难信访和历史遗留问题处置的能力;提高依法规范信访工作行为的能力。同时要细化信访目标管理考核办法,坚决执行信访责任追究制度等措施,只有这样,农村"三访"问题才能从根本上得到有效解决。  相似文献   
186.
洪森认为,他的关于柬埔寨人民民族民主革命的理论是他最重要的理论奉献。柬埔寨人民党70%以上的重大决定源于这个理论。该理论的核心是,柬埔寨的特定国情决定了柬埔寨实现社会主义将是一个漫长的历史过程。在此过程中,民族资产阶级不但不应被消灭,相反必须让其存在和发展,并在经济生活中扮演重要角色。无产阶级政党不应放弃对国家的领导权,要警惕和防止资产阶级随着其经济力量的壮大,逐步取得干预和主导国家政治发展的地位。按照洪森的这个基本理论观点,人民党在柬埔寨开拓了独具特色的发展道路,她不但推动了国家经济的长足发展,也将国家政权继续掌握在实质上的无产阶级政党手中。  相似文献   
187.
This article reflects on the reasons why Erdoğan and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) could still win in the recent 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections in Turkey despite, among other daunting issues, the deep economic crisis and their unsuccessful handling of the February 2023 earthquake. The article discusses the role of state apparatus and the media under a neopatrimonial system, as well as the role of the EU, which turned Turkey into a rentier state with the refugee deals. The discussion considers whether Turkey could still be seen as a competitive authoritarian regime and points to the difficulties in determining whether regimes such as the Turkish one are competitive authoritarian or not until the election results are seen and the opposition candidates actually win.  相似文献   
188.
企业文化是企业深层次、高品位的管理文化;民主管理与企业文化,有着辩证统一的关系.在推进企业文化建设的过程中,需要完善企业民主管理机制,提高员工的自身文化素质和参政意识,坚持在继承中创新.  相似文献   
189.
人力资源是企业的黄金资源,民主管理作为开发人力资源的重要手段和途径,要在企业管理中发挥生产力最活跃因素———职工的重要作用,必须正确把握民主管理与人力资源的关系,探索有效措施,实现企业与职工的"双赢"。  相似文献   
190.
本文从多方面论述了现代文明的含义、政治文明在社会主义现代文明中的地位与作用、民主与集中的发展程度是政治文明进步与否的主要标志、基层民主政治的内涵、民主管理是基层民主政治建设的核心等论点, 论证了企业民主管理在现代文明中的重要地位, 阐明了企业民主管理的要素构成以及职工代表大会在企业民主管理中所起的主要载体作用。  相似文献   
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