法律选择方法演变与构建国际和谐社会

法律选择理论是国际私法的核心理论,主要是以各种法律选择学说为载体,具体表现为各种法律选择方法。从十四世纪意大利巴托鲁斯创立法则区别说以来,法律选择方法一直处于不断的演变之中,体现了国际社会追求和谐的要求。本文以法律选择方法的历史演变为线索,以法律选择方法的价值追求——正义为研究视角,探讨法律选择方法的演变与构建国际和谐社会之间的联系。     

论经营判断原则在欧洲反收购立法中的运用--兼"严格中立原则"之检讨

通过对欧洲反收购立法中采用的严格中立原则中存在的忽视股东集体行动和董事对于非股东利益相关者的义务、经验主义、为政府强制性反收购措施所不容等非理性状况的分析,提出了在欧洲反收购立法中采用经营判断原则的建议,认为这样可以为敌意收购行为提供更统一的运作环境,保护股东利益,减少成员国在建立反垄断屏障的压力,并且为企业在采取反收购行动时提供更丰富的选择。     

银行法中的私人自治原则与国家监管

银行法应当区分为银行私法和银行公法,私人自治是其中的基本原则,银行法许多规范都表现了私人自治原则。通常所提及的国家监管原则只不过是私人自治原则的补充。     

THE PRIVATIZATION OF VIOLENCE*

Norbert Elias's (1939) work on “the civilizing process” highlighted the long‐term decline in violence within Western societies. A substantial amount of more recent anthropological and historical evidence suggests that violence has evolved not just quantitatively but qualitatively as well. In particular, the social characteristics of the parties to violence have changed over time. Drawing on Donald Black's (1976, 1993a) theoretical ideas on conflict management, the present paper proposes that as intimate social ties weakened and the state strengthened, collective and nonintimate forms of (nonpolitical) violence declined significantly. Consequently, violence increasingly became less public, more private. Pockets of residual public violence can, however, still be found within modern state societies. Privatization varies, then, across time and social space.     

浅析大陆法系民法中的成年人行为能力限制制度

行为能力是自然人以自己独立的行为参加民事法律关系,设定权利、义务的必要条件。然而在实践中,一些成年人由于存在生理上或心理上的疾病、障碍,使他们的行为能力产生缺陷,无法正常参加民事活动。为使这部分成年人的合法利益得到有利的法律保障,维护交易活动的安全,大陆法系各国均以行为能力限制制度,对他们参加民事活动进行了制约。     

精神培植:“六五”普法繁荣法治文化的前瞻思考

法治文化的建设传播是普法工作的基本任务,对促进公民法治人格的养成、规范公权力的法治化运行、推进我国法治化的进程等有重要的作用和意义。"六五"普法依法治理期间,应更加重视法治文化的建设和繁荣,通过法治文化理论研究、法治理念宣传教育、法治教育载体拓展、法治文化环境建设等可行途径,使人们在法治文化的浸润下将法治精神根植于内心,指导人们合法行为习惯和模式的养成。     

特殊农业雇佣习惯法研究——以民国时期山东地区为例说明

民国时期农业雇佣关系的调整主要靠大量的习惯法,即雇佣习惯法。与一般雇佣习惯法相区别,特殊雇佣习惯法是雇佣制度与租佃制度、借贷制度、典当制度相混合的产物,它们主要表现为种地头、二八种地、带地佣工及典雇等制度形态。     

Book Reviews

Books reviewed in this article:
Robert Barros, Constitutionalism and Dictatorship: Pinochet, the Junta and the 1980 Constitution
Barry Ames, The Deadlock of Democracy in Brazil
Christina Biebesheimer and Francisco Mejia (eds), Justice beyond our borders: judicial reforms for Latin America and the Caribbean
Jacobo Timerman, Prisoner without a Name, Cell without a Number
Rafael Hernández and John H. Coatsworth, Culturas Encontradas: Cuba y los Estados Unidos
Terence N. D'Altroy, The Incas
Anibal González, Killer Books: Writing, Violence and Ethics in Modern Spanish American Narrative
Efrain Kristal, Invisible Work: Borges and Translation
Beatriz Sarlo, Scenes from Postmodern Life     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.     

Preserving the Identity Crisis: Autonomy,System and Sovereignty in European Law

This article uses Hans Kelsen's theory of a legalsystem to take a fresh look at European Community law,and the relationship between the European Community,its Member States, and international law. It arguesthat the basis of the Community's legal legitimacy isindeterminate, and offers a model to accommodate thatindeterminacy. This model is founded on aconstructivist approach suggested to be particularlyuseful in the EC context. Using this approach, it isargued that the concepts of system, autonomy andsovereignty in the Community can only be understoodthrough the recognition of a plurality of viewpoints,and that it is crucial, in describing the Community,to distinguish between a concept per se and thechoice to adopt that concept.