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111.
强力型司法执行面临着现实困境,表现为不利于社会和谐,强制执行内容泛化,不利于树立司法权威和得到社会认同。兼容型司法执行应时而生,其理论依据在于诉讼契约、保障人权、降低成本、心理认同。从实证的视角,比较分析两种不同执行模式在实践中的运行状况和执行法官的切身感受,提出构建中国兼容型司法模式的进路:即调动本土资源,构建兼容型执行体系,发挥自动执行的基础性作用;同时“硬化”强制执行技术,促进对被执行人财产的发现;改进执行结案方式,鼓励执行和解,强化对执行标的额到位率的考核要求。  相似文献   
112.
加强青少年思想道德教育的途径和方法   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
青少年思想道德教育是社会主义核心价值体系的重要内容,现阶段我国的青少年思想道德教育存在家庭教育方式不健康、学校思想教育软弱乏力、青少年思想行为功利化等问题。因此,大力加强和改进我国的青少年思想道德教育工作应发挥家庭教育的基础作用、坚持学校教育的导向作用,为青少年健康成长创造良好的社会环境。  相似文献   
113.
信访制度是一项具有中国特色的政治参与和权利救济制度,但这一制度存在诸多缺陷,学者对信访制度的争论也很激烈,主张进行彻底的改革。笔者认为对信访制度的重构不能局限于对法治的简单的形式主义的理解。  相似文献   
114.
虽经多年酝酿讨论,我国当前的工资立法却仍然处在两难困境之中.表面上看,这一困境表现为若干具体问题的争议,但困境的实质却在于公平分配、市场调节与政府调控平衡、经济发展与社会稳定协调等一系列深层次问题.突破当前工资立法困境的根本途径在于树立公平分配的科学理念,确立公平分配的一般标准,并通过切实有效的具体措施来平衡各方利益关系,建立有利于经济与社会协调发展的公平分配制度.  相似文献   
115.
政府责任立法是一项关于政府公共权力制约及其行使边界规范的政治活动,除了宪法及相关政治法的实体性条款之外,大多数政府责任立法多应表现为程序性法案。然而,在现实中政府责任与公共权力相伴生的规律退化为法律对权责规定模糊的立法困境。在关于政府责任的立法过程中,立法语言技术滞后性问题造成了当下法律条款难以明确权责之间的界限,结果衍生出政府责任实现与追究的难题,这不利于法治政府建设。若要实现政府责任的法律控制,亟须提高立法语言技术水平,促进政府责任法律体系的统一,并加大程序性法案在政府责任立法中的比重。  相似文献   
116.
This lecture marks the seventieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) with an analysis of the Declaration's contemporary relevance. It considers whether, in today's turbulent and fractured political environment in which human rights abuses remain widespread, the UDHR still has a role to play. A case is made that the UDHR was, in fact, written precisely for a moment like now. The lecture starts by considering the important legal impact of the UDHR, whilst acknowledging that the legal enforcement of human rights sometimes overshadows the emotions of care and empathy that lie at the heart of both the Declaration and the whole concept of human rights. It then emphasises the significant role the UDHR has played in giving individuals a voice to hold states accountable. Finally, it explores the UDHR's ethical and inspirational vision that helped to create a baseline of norms and standards aimed at promoting diversity, mutual respect and peace. For all these reasons, the UDHR most certainly needs to be rejuvenated rather than retired.  相似文献   
117.
Mediation caucusing — that is, separate meetings conducted by the mediator with some, but not all, of the parties — is widely used, but it has become increasingly controversial, as some mediators advocate for a no‐caucus form of mediation using only joint sessions with all parties present. The rationale for the no‐caucus model is that caucuses give the mediator too much power at the expense of the parties, and joint sessions improve the parties' understanding of each other's views. But caucusing adds value to mediation in several ways. First, from the standpoint of economic theory, caucusing provides mediators with an important tool for overcoming two impediments to settlement — the “prisoner's dilemma” (caused by the parties' fear of mutual exploitation) and “adverse selection” (caused by the failure to disclose information). Second, caucusing can help the mediator overcome a variety of negotiation problems, such as communication barriers, unrealistic expectations, emotional barriers, intraparty conflict, and fear of losing face. Third, caucusing provides a more private setting in which the mediator can develop a deeper and more personal understanding of the parties' needs and interests. Although the no‐caucus model may be appropriate for certain types of mediation (particularly those cases in which the parties will have an ongoing relationship), some parties may prefer the efficiency that can be achieved with caucusing, even if that means sacrificing certain other values — such as greater understanding — or giving the mediator more information than the parties have, thus creating the risk of manipulation by the mediator. Moreover, the choice is not binary — numerous variations and hybrid formats can be useful, such as sessions in which the mediator meets with only the parties' lawyers or with only the parties. Choosing the best format for a mediation is more of an art than a science, and mediators should consider, with the parties, whether the parties' objectives would be best served using only joint sessions, extensive caucusing, or a combination of these approaches.  相似文献   
118.
Britain urgently needs a national conversation about the economic, political and moral predicament it now faces. It should start with the economic crisis of 2008–09. Keynesians and neoliberals alike still seek to return to pre‐crisis business as usual, albeit with modifications. But the untamed capitalism that came to grief in 2008 had three major flaws. First, it undermined the public domain of equity, citizenship and civic virtue, whose creation was one of the great achievements of the late‐nineteenth and early‐twentieth centuries, exposing it to invasion by the market domain. Second, it led to a remorseless rise in inequality of resources and life chances, rendering British society one of the most dysfunctional in Europe. Third, it encouraged the emergence of a debased form of democracy, best called ‘market populism’, that mocks the dream of political equality that lies at the heart of the democratic ideal. Yet growth points of a better society can be detected amidst the gloom. Informal institutions and social movements like London Citizens and the burgeoning environmental movement show that the notion of the public good is still alive. So do the survival of Edmund Burke's communitarianism in the conservative tradition, of John Stuart Mill's social liberalism in the liberal tradition and of ethical socialism in the social‐democratic tradition.  相似文献   
119.
曹根记 《桂海论丛》2011,27(3):56-58
体面劳动与尊严生活,是中国共产党执政为民理念的最新阐释,是我们党和政府对广大劳动者道德关爱和道德责任的重要体现。体面劳动与尊严生活是道德认知与道德情感的统一、道德意志与道德行为的统一以及道德人格与道德责任的统一。对体面劳动与尊严生活的伦理学解读,有助于从伦理层面正确认识党的执政为民理念,把握中国特色社会主义的本质要求,推动我国和谐社会的健康发展。  相似文献   
120.
论行政伦理两难的成因   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
行政伦理两难有直接成因和深层原因,而直接成因包括两类:客观原因(规范层面的、资源方面的)和主观原因(主体的主观能动性)。文章重点分析了不相容的规范竞合以及主观能动性原因。行政伦理两难的深层原因在于人类所欲求的各种价值和善之间并非如人们所期望的那样相辅相成、共生共长,相反,它们经常在终极层面存在难以调和的冲突。  相似文献   
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